Salman Khan will be playing the pivotal character of Nanasaheb Peshwa in Sushmita Sen’s first venture as a producer, Rani Lakshmi Bai - A Warrior queen.
A source close to both Salman and Sush told us, “He has not signed the contract but he has said yes. I can’t give much details but Salman is very excited to do this role.” Adds the source, “We are also trying to get Amitabh Bachchan to play the role of Bahadur Shah Zafar but it’s not yet confirmed. Sushmita also wants Randeep Hooda to play an important character. In the meanwhile, she is also learning sword fighting. To prepare herself fully she is watching all the old movies related to Jhansi Ki Rani.” The source further adds, “Sushmita is taking help from Dr.Chandra Prakash Dwivedi of Chanakya fame who is currently directing Bobby Bedi’s Mahabharata”. According to reports, Akshay Kumar has said no to playing the role of Tatya Tope as his shooting dates where clashing. Ketan Mehta is also said to be making a film on Rani Lakshmi Bai in which Nandana Sen is playing the lead. Welll, after Jodhaa Akbar’s success there seems to be a mad rush for making period films. Nanasaheb Peshwa Nanasaheb Peshwa, also known as Balaji Bajirao, (born 1720 or 1721 - Died 1761) was one of the Peshwas of the Maratha Empire. He contributed heavily to the development of the city of Pune, India. He was appointed as Peshwa by Chattrapati Shahu himself. His reign saw some of the best and worst moments of the Maratha empire. Maratha power in India reached its peak under his reign. Balaji Bajirao, his uncle (Kaka) Chimaji Appa (younger Brother of Bajirao-I), his cousin Sadashivrao Bhau (Chimaji Appa's son), and his younger brother Raghunathrao were successful in establishing and consolidating Maratha dominance in India. He radically extended the Maratha Empire. However, he is partly responsible for the downfall of the Maratha navy and the defeat of the Marathas at the Battle of Panipat (1761).
Tuesday, April 22, 2008
Monday, April 21, 2008
jokes
- Little Lalloo was eating breakfast one morning and got to thinking about things. 'Mommy, mommy, why has daddy got so few hairs on his head?' he asked his mother. 'He thinks a lot,' replied his mother, pleased with herself for coming up with a good answer to her husband's baldness. Or she was until little Lalloo thought for a second and asked, 'So why do you have so much hair?'
- Two guys robbed a rob a bank and mess it up, managing to escape with two sacks that they find on the floor. And they take one sack each. After awhile they meet again and one asks the other, 'What did you find in your sack?' 'Ten lakh Rupees!' 'Wow... that's a lot! What did you do with the cash?' 'I bought a house. How about your sack?' 'Bah... it was full of bills.' 'And what did you do with them?' 'Eh, well... little by little, I'm paying them off...'
Saturday, April 19, 2008
Monday, April 14, 2008
How to be an Unforgettable Teacher
This lens was created to provide good classroom teaching tips and articles. If you are a new or experienced teacher, I hope you benefit!Simple but Effective Ways to be a Great Teacher 1) Be there- If you are not in your classroom, you are not teaching. Yes, teachers must take days of occasionally, but do not make it a habit. If you are feeling a little sick, unless it is serious, show up! A sick regular teacher is ten times better for his or her students than a healthy sub is. Regular attendance is a must. Be proud to have a perfect attendance record.2) Be Accessible- You need to help your students at all times. That means before school, during lunch, and after school. No, you do not have to do it all the time. Start out with something like two days a week before school, lunch, and after school. You are the best tutor your students can get. Teach them!3) Know your students on a personal basis- Talk to them during lessons. What is their favorite music? TV? Movies? Talk to them in the hallways. The more you know, the more you can adapt. It is easy to converse during class time. Little comments between concepts can go a long way. If some show up early for class, you can really get personal. No class time? Pass out a questionnaire. Above all, learn their names quickly!4) Know the parents- Get phone numbers. Make two calls a day to parents. If you can, make more. They do not need to be long. Just a short hello and that you are interested in their child. In just a short time, you can indeed make contact to at least one parent of each student. Parents can be your biggest ally. Students will perform and behave better if they know you are talking to their parents.5) Know your subject- If you do not know what you are doing, how can you teach? This involves complete preparation.6) Attend school events- Make yourself seen at school sports and performances. Being seen in this setting shows students you care about them and support them.7) Visit the neighborhood- If you do not live in the same place as your school, make some visits on weekends. Go to a local place to eat. Shop at a local store. Many of your students may have parents who own local businesses. Patronize them. Visit a church. The more your students see you, the more they will be willing to behave in class. They will see you as someone who is willing to be on their level.8) Eat Lunch on Campus- Wander around at lunch and sit at a student table. Buy a school lunch and join them. Many students help sell food. Make a point to buy something.9) Be fair- Expect the best, but be flexible. Fairness does not have to mean leniency It simply means to grade your students on a balanced scale.10) Never lose your cool- Bite your tongue. All things will pass. Never carry a grudge. Things in your classroom will happen. This goes hand in hand with being professional. Acting like a raving lunatic is a sure way to shorten your career
Tuesday, April 8, 2008
The term "Indian independence movement" is diffused, incorporating various national and regional campaigns, agitations and efforts of both Nonviolent and Militant philosophy and involved a wide spectrum of Indian political organizations, philosophies, and movements which had the common aim of ending the British Colonial Authority as well as other colonial administrations in the Indian subcontinent. The initial resistance to the movement can be traced back to the very beginnings of colonial expansion by the British East India Company, as early as the middle and late 1700s. The mainstream movement from the latter part of the 1800s was increasingly led by the Indian Nation
Congress with prominent moderatist leaders seeking Dominion status within the commonwealth. Beginning of early 1900s saw a more radical approach towards political independence proposed by leaders as the Lal Bal Pal and Sri Aurobindo. Militant nationalism also emerged in the first decades, culminating in the failed Indo-German Pact and Ghadar Conspiracy during the World War I. The end of the war saw the Congress adopt the policies of nonviolent agitation and civil disobedience led by Mahatma Gandhi. Other leaders, such as Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, later came to adopt a military approach to the movement. The world War II period saw the peak of the movements like INA movement led by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose from East Asia and Quit India movement.India remained a Dominion of The Crown till 26 January 1950, when it adopted its Constitution to proclaim itself a Republic. Pakistan proclaimed itself a Republic in 1956 but faced a number of internal power struggles that has seen suspensions of democracy. In 1971, the Pakistani Civil War culminating in the 1971 War saw the splintering-off of East Pakistan into the nation of Bangladesh.The independence movement also served as a major catalyst for similar movements in other parts of the world, leading to the eventual disintegration and dismantling of the British Empire and its replacement with the Commonwealth of Nations. Gandhi's philosophy of nonviolent resistance inspired the American Civil Rights Movement (1955-1968) led by Martin Luther King, Jr., the quest for democracy in Myanmar led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the African National Congress's struggle against apartheid in South Africa led by Nelson Mandela. However not all these leaders adhered to Gandhi's strict principle of nonviolence and nonresistance.EUROPEAN RULEEuropean traders came to Indian shores with the arrival of the Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama in 1498 at the port of Calicut in search of the lucrative spice trade. After the 1757 Battle of Plassey, during which the British army under Robert Clive defeated the Nawab of Bengal, the British East India Company established itself. This is widely seen as the beginning of the British Raj in India. The Company gained administrative rights over Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa in 1765 after the Battle of Buxar. They then annexed Punjab in 1849 after the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1839 and the First Anglo-Sikh War (1845–1846) and then the Second Anglo-Sikh War (1848–49).The British parliament enacted a series of laws to handle the administration of the newly-conquered provinces, including the Regulating Act of 1773, the India Act of 1784, and the Charter Act of 1813; all enhanced the British government's rule. In 1835 English was made the medium of instruction. Western-educated Hindu elites sought to rid Hinduism of controversial social practices, including the varna (caste) system, child marriage, and sati. Literary and debating societies initiated in Bombay and Madras became fora for open political discourse. The educational attainment and skilful use of the press by these early reformers created the growing possibility for effecting broad reforms, all without compromising larger Indian social values and religious practices.Even while these modernising trends influenced Indian society, Indians increasingly despised British rule. The memoirs of Henry Ouvry of the 9th Lancers record many "a good thrashing" to careless servants.[citation needed] A spice merchant, Frank Brown, wrote to his nephew that stories of maltreatment of servants had not been exaggerated and that he knew people who kept orderlies "purposely to thrash them".[citation needed] As the British increasingly dominated the continent, they grew increasingly abusive of local customs by, for example, staging parties in mosques, dancing to the music of regimental bands on the terrace of the Taj Mahal, using whips to force their way through crowded bazaars (as recounted by General Henry Blake), and mistreating sepoys. In the years after the annexation of Punjab in 1849, several mutinies among sepoys broke out; these were put down by force.Regional movements prior to 1857Several regional movements against foreign rule were staged in various parts of pre-1857 India. However, they were not united and were easily controlled by the foreign rulers. Examples include the Sannyasi Rebellion in Bengal in the 1770s, the 1787 ethnic revolt against Portuguese control of Goa known as the Conspiracy Of The Pintos, the revolt of Titumir in Bengal in 1830's and uprisings by South Indian local chieftains like Veerapandya Kattabomman against British rule. movements included the Santal Rebellion and the resistance offered to the British by Titumir in Bengal, the Kittur Rebellion in Karnataka, Polygar Wars in Tamil Nadu, Kutch Rebellion in Saurashtra.The Indian Rebellion of 1857The Indian Rebellion of 1857 was a period of uprising in the northern and central India against British rule in 1857–58. The rebellion was the result of decades of ethnic and cultural differences between Indian soldiers and their British officers. The indifference of the British towards Indian rulers like the Mughals and ex-Peshwas and the annexation of Oudh were political factors triggering dissent amongst Indians. Dalhousie’s policy of annexation, the doctrine of lapse or escheat, and the projected removal of the descendants of the Great Mughal from their ancestral palace to the Qutb, near Delhi also angered some people. The specific reason that triggered the rebellion was the rumoured use of cow and pig fat in .557 calibre Pattern 1853 Enfield (P/53) rifle cartridges. Soldiers had to break the cartridges with their teeth before loading them into their rifles. So if there was cow and pig fat, it would be offensive to Hindu and Muslim soldiers, respectively. In February 1857, sepoys (Indian soldiers in the British army) refused to use their new cartridges. The British claimed to have replaced the cartridges with new ones and tried to make sepoys make their own grease from beeswax and vegetable oils, but the rumour persisted.In March 1857, Mangal Pandey, a soldier of the 34th Native Infantry in Barrackpore, attacked his British sergeant and wounded an adjutant. General Hearsay, who said Pandey was in some kind of "religious frenzy," ordered a jemadar to arrest him but the jemadar refused. Mangal Pandey was hanged on 7 April along with the jemadar. The whole regiment was dismissed as a collective punishment. On May 10, when the 11th and 20th Cavalry assembled, they broke rank and turned on their commanding officers. They then liberated the 3rd Regiment, and on 11 May the sepoys reached Delhi and were joined by other Indians. The Red Fort, the residence of the last Mughal emperor Bahadur, was attacked and captured by the sepoys. They demanded that he reclaim his throne. He was reluctant at first, but eventually agreed to the demands and became the leader of the rebellion.Soon, the revolt spread throughout northern India. Revolts broke out in places like Meerut, Jhansi, Kanpur, Lucknow etc. The British were slow to respond, but eventually responded with brute force. British moved regiments from the Crimean War and diverted European regiments headed for China to India. The British fought the main army of the rebels near Delhi in Badl-ke-Serai and drove them back to Delhi before laying siege on the city. The siege of Delhi lasted roughly from 1 July to 31 August. After a week of street fighting, the British retook the city. The last significant battle was fought in Gwalior on 20 June 1858. It was during this battle that Rani Lakshmi Bai was killed. Sporadic fighting continued until 1859 but most of the rebels were subdued. Some notable leaders were Ahmed Ullah, an advisor of the ex-King of Oudh; Nana Sahib; his nephew Rao Sahib and his retainers, Tantia Topi and Azimullah Khan; the Rani of Jhansi; Kunwar Singh; the Rajput chief of Jagadishpur in Bihar; Firuz Saha, a relative of the Mughal Emperor, Bahadur Shah and Pran Sukh Yadav who along with Rao Tula Ram of Rewari fought with Britishers at Nahe Indian Rebellion of 1857 was a period of uprising in the northern and central India against British rule in 1857–58. The rebellion was the result of decades of ethnic and cultural differences between Indian soldiers and their British officers. The indifference of the British towards Indian rulers like the Mughals and ex-Peshwas and the annexation of Oudh were political factors triggering dissent amongst Indians. Dalhousie’s policy of annexation, the doctrine of lapse or escheat, and the projected removal of the descendants of the Great Mughal from their ancestral palace to the Qutb, near Delhi also angered some people. The specific reason that triggered the rebellion was the rumoured use of cow and pig fat in .557 calibre Pattern 1853 Enfield (P/53) rifle cartridges. Soldiers had to break the cartridges with their teeth before loading them into their rifles. So if there was cow and pig fat, it would be offensive to Hindu and Muslim soldiers, respectively. In February 1857, sepoys (Indian soldiers in the British army) refused to use their new cartridges. The British claimed to have replaced the cartridges with new ones and tried to make sepoys make their own grease from beeswax and vegetable oils, but the rumour persisted.In March 1857, Mangal Pandey, a soldier of the 34th Native Infantry in Barrackpore, attacked his British sergeant and wounded an adjutant. General Hearsay, who said Pandey was in some kind of "religious frenzy," ordered a jemadar to arrest him but the jemadar refused. Mangal Pandey was hanged on 7 April along with the jemadar. The whole regiment was dismissed as a collective punishment. On May 10, when the 11th and 20th Cavalry assembled, they broke rank and turned on their commanding officers. They then liberated the 3rd Regiment, and on 11 May the sepoys reached Delhi and were joined by other Indians. The Red Fort, the residence of the last Mughal emperor Bahadur, was attacked and captured by the sepoys. They demanded that he reclaim his throne. He was reluctant at first, but eventually agreed to the demands and became the leader of the rebellion.Soon, the revolt spread throughout northern India. Revolts broke out in places like Meerut, Jhansi, Kanpur, Lucknow etc. The British were slow to respond, but eventually responded with brute force. British moved regiments from the Crimean War and diverted European regiments headed for China to India. The British fought the main army of the rebels near Delhi in Badl-ke-Serai and drove them back to Delhi before laying siege on the city. The siege of Delhi lasted roughly from 1 July to 31 August. After a week of street fighting, the British retook the city. The last significant battle was fought in Gwalior on 20 June 1858. It was during this battle that Rani Lakshmi Bai was killed. Sporadic fighting continued until 1859 but most of the rebels were subdued. Some notable leaders were Ahmed Ullah, an advisor of the ex-King of Oudh; Nana Sahib; his nephew Rao Sahib and his retainers, Tantia Topi and Azimullah Khan; the Rani of Jhansi; Kunwar Singh; the Rajput chief of Jagadishpur in Bihar; Firuz Saha, a relative of the Mughal Emperor, Bahadur Shah and Pran Sukh Yadav who along with Rao Tula Ram of Rewari fought with Britishers at Nasibpur, Haryana.AftermathThe war of 1857 was a major turning point in the history of modern India. The British abolished the British East India Company and replaced it with direct rule under the British crown. A Viceroy was appointed to represent the Crown. In proclaiming the new direct-rule policy to "the Princes, Chiefs, and Peoples of India," Queen Victoria promised equal treatment under British law, but Indian mistrust of British rule had become a legacy of the 1857 rebellion.The British embarked on a program in India of reform and political restructuring, trying to integrate Indian higher castes and rulers into the government. They stopped land grabs, decreed religious tolerance and admitted Indians into the civil service, albeit mainly as subordinates. They also increased the number of British soldiers in relation to native ones and allowed only British soldiers to handle artillery. Bahadur Shah was exiled to Rangoon, Burma where he died in 1862, finally bringing the Mughal dynasty to an end. In 1877, Queen Victoria took the title of Empress of India.Rise of organized movementsThe decades following the Sepoy Rebellion were a period of growing political awareness, manifestation of Indian public opinion and emergence of Indian leadership at national and provincial levels. Dadabhai Naoroji formed East India Association in 1867, and Surendranath Banerjea founded Indian National Association in 1876. Inspired by a suggestion made by A.O. Hume, a retired British civil servant, seventy-three Indian delegates met in Bombay in 1885 and founded the Indian National Congress. They were mostly members of the upwardly mobile and successful western-educated provincial elites, engaged in professions such as law, teaching, and journalism. At its inception, the Congress had no well-defined ideology and commanded few of the resources essential to a political organization. It functioned more as a debating society that met annually to express its loyalty to the British Raj and passed numerous resolutions on less controversial issues such as civil rights or opportunities in government, especially the civil service. These resolutions were submitted to the Viceroy's government and occasionally to the British Parliament, but the Congress's early gains were meagre. Despite its claim to represent all India, the Congress voiced the interests of urban elites; the number of participants from other economic backgrounds remained negligible.The influences of socio-religious groups such as Arya Samaj (started by Swami Dayanand Saraswati) and Brahmo Samaj (founded, among others, by Raja Ram Mohan Roy) became evident in pioneering reform of Indian society. The inculcation of religious reform and social pride was fundamental to the rise of a public movement for complete nationhood. The work of men like Swami Vivekananda, Ramakrishna Paramhansa, Sri Aurobindo, Subramanya Bharathy, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Rabindranath Tagore and Dadabhai Naoroji spread the passion for rejuvenation and freedom.By 1900, although the Congress had emerged as an all-India political organization, its achievement was undermined by its singular failure to attract Muslims, who felt that their representation in government service was inadequate. Attacks by Hindu reformers against religious conversion, cow slaughter, and the preservation of Urdu in Arabic script deepened their concerns of minority status and denial of rights if the Congress alone were to represent the people of India. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan launched a movement for Muslim regeneration that culminated in the founding in 1875 of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh (renamed Aligarh Muslim University in 1921). Its objective was to educate wealthy students by emphasizing the compatibility of Islam with modern western knowledge. The diversity among India's Muslims, however, made it impossible to bring about uniform cultural and intellectual regeneration.Rise of Indian nationalismThe first spurts of nationalistic sentiment that rose amongst Congress members were when the desire to be represented in the bodies of government, to have a say, a vote in the lawmaking and issues of administration of India. Congressmen saw themselves as loyalists, but wanted an active role in governing their own country, albeit as part of the Empire. This trend was personified by Dadabhai Naoroji, who went as far as contesting, successfully, an election to the British House of Commons, becoming its first Indian member.Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first Indian nationalist to embrace Swaraj as the destiny of the nation. Tilak deeply opposed the British education system that ignored and defamed India's culture, history and values. He resented the denial of freedom of expression for nationalists, and the lack of any voice or role for ordinary Indians in the affairs of their nation. For these reasons, he considered Swaraj as the natural and only solution. His popular sentence "Swaraj is my birthright, and I shall have it" became the source of inspiration for Indians.In 1907, the Congress was split into two. Tilak advocated what was deemed as extremism. He wanted a direct assault by the people upon the British Raj, and the abandonment of all things British. He was backed by rising public leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai, who held the same point of view. Under them, India's three great states - Maharashtra, Bengal and Punjab shaped the demand of the people and India's nationalism. The moderates, led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Pherozeshah Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji held firm to calls for negotiations and political dialogue. Gokhale criticized Tilak for encouraging acts of violence and disorder. But the Congress of 1906 did not have public membership, and thus Tilak and his supporters were forced to leave the party.But with Tilak's arrest, all hopes for an Indian offensive were stalled. The Congress lost credit with the people, while Muslims were alarmed with the rise of Tilak's Hindu nationalism, and formed the All India Muslim League in 1906, considered the Congress as completely unsuitable for Indian Muslims. A Muslim deputation met with the Viceroy, Minto (1905–10), seeking concessions from the impending constitutional reforms, including special considerations in government service and electorates. The British recognised some of Muslim League's petitions by increasing the number of elective offices reserved for Muslims in the Government of India Act 1909. The Muslim League insisted on its separateness from the Hindu-dominated Congress, as the voice of a "nation within a nation."Partition of BengalIn 1905, Curzon, the Viceroy and Governor-General (1899–1905), ordered the partition of the province of Bengal for improvements in administrative efficiency in that huge and populous region, where the Bengali Hindu intelligentsia exerted considerable influence on local and national politics. The partition outraged Bengalis. Not only had the government failed to consult Indian public opinion, but the action appeared to reflect the British resolve to divide and rule. Widespread agitation ensued in the streets and in the press, and the Congress advocated boycotting British products under the banner of swadeshi. People showed unity by tying Rakhi on each other's wrists and observing Arandhan (not cooking any food).During the partition of Bengal new methods of struggle were adopted. These led to swadeshi and boycott movements. The Congress-led boycott of British goods was so successful that it unleashed anti-British forces to an extent unknown since the Sepoy Rebellion. A cycle of violence and repression ensued in some parts of the country (see Alipore bomb case). The British tried to mitigate the situation by announcing a series of constitutional reforms in 1909 and by appointing a few moderates to the imperial and provincial councils. In what the British saw as an additional goodwill gesture, in 1911 King-Emperor George V visited India for a durbar (a traditional court held for subjects to express fealty to their ruler), during which he announced the reversal of the partition of Bengal and the transfer of the capital from Calcutta to a newly planned city to be built immediately south of Delhi, which later became New Delhi. However, ceremony of transfer on 23 December 1912 was marked by the attempt to assassinate the then Viceroy, Lord Hardinge, in what came to be known as the Delhi-Lahore conspiracy.World War IWorld War I began with an unprecedented outpouring of loyalty and goodwill towards the United Kingdom from within the mainstream political leadership, contrary to initial British fears of an Indian revolt. India contributed massively to the British war effort by providing men and resources. About 1.3 million Indian soldiers and labourers served in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East, while both the Indian government and the princes sent large supplies of food, money, and ammunition. However, Bengal and Punjab remained hotbeds of anti colonial activities. Terrorism in Bengal, increasingly closely linked with the unrests in Punjab, was significant enough to nearly paralyse the regional administration.[7][8] Also from the beginning of the war, expatriate Indian population, notably from United States, Canada, and Germany, headed by the Berlin Committee and the Ghadar Party, attempted to trigger insurrections in India on the lines of the 1857 uprising with Irish Republican, German and Turkish help in a massive conspiracy that has since come to be called the Hindu German conspiracy. This conspiracy also attempted to rally Afghanistan against British India. number of failed attempts were made at mutiny, of which the February mutiny plan and the Singapore mutiny remains most notable. This movement was suppressed by means of a massive international counter-intelligence operation and draconian political acts (including the Defence of India act 1915) that lasted nearly ten years.In the aftermath of the WW I, high casualty rates, soaring inflation compounded by heavy taxation, a widespread influenza epidemic, and the disruption of trade during the war escalated human suffering in India. The Indian soldiers smuggled arms into India to overthrow the British rule. The prewar nationalist movement revived as moderate and extremist groups within the Congress submerged their differences in order to stand as a unified front. In 1916, the Congress succeeded in forging the Lucknow Pact, a temporary alliance with the Muslim League over the issues of devolution of political power and the future of Islam in the region.The British themselves adopted a "carrot and stick" approach in recognition of India's support during the war and in response to renewed nationalist demands. In August 1917, Edwin Montagu, the secretary of state for India, made the historic announcement in Parliament that the British policy for India was "increasing association of Indians in every branch of the administration and the gradual development of self-governing institutions with a view to the progressive realization of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British Empire." The means of achieving the proposed measure were later enshrined in the Government of India Act 1919, which introduced the principle of a dual mode of administration, or diarchy, in which both elected Indian legislators and appointed British officials shared power. The act also expanded the central and provincial legislatures and widened the franchise considerably. Diarchy set in motion certain real changes at the provincial level: a number of non-controversial or "transferred" portfolios, such as agriculture, local government, health, education, and public works, were handed over to Indians, while more sensitive matters such as finance, taxation, and maintaining law and order were retained by the provincial British administrators.Gandhi arrives in IndiaGandhi had been a prominent leader of the anti-Apartheid movement in South Africa, and had been a vocal opponent of basic discrimination and abusive labour treatment as well as suppressive police control such as the Rowlatt Acts. During these protests, Gandhi had perfected the concept of satyagraha, which had been inspired by the philosophy of Baba Ram Singh (famous for leading the Kuka Movement in the Punjab in 1872). The end of the protests in South Africa saw oppressive legislation repealed and the release of political prisoners by General Jan Smuts, head of the South African Government of the time.Gandhi, a stranger to India and its politics after twenty years, had initially entered the fray not with calls for a nation-state, but in support of the unified commerce-oriented territory that the Congress Party had been asking for. Gandhi believed that the industrial development and educational development that the Europeans had brought with them were required to alleviate many of India's problems. Gopal Krishna Gokhale, a veteran Congressman and Indian leader, became Gandhi's mentor. Gandhi's ideas and strategies of non-violent civil disobedience initially appeared impractical to some Indians and Congressmen. In Gandhi's own words, "civil disobedience is civil breach of unmoral statutory enactments." It had to be carried out non-violently by withdrawing cooperation with the corrupt state. Gandhi's ability to inspire millions of common people became clear when he used satyagraha during the anti-Rowlatt Act protests in Punjab.Gandhi’s vision would soon bring millions of regular Indians into the movement, transforming it from an elitist struggle to a national one. The nationalist cause was expanded to include the interests and industries that formed the economy of common Indians. For example, in Champaran, Bihar, the Congress Party championed the plight of desperately poor sharecroppers and landless farmers who were being forced to pay oppressive taxes and grow cash crops at the expense of the subsistence crops which formed their food supply. The profits from the crops they grew were insufficient to provide for their sustenance.The Rowlatt Act and its aftermathThe positive impact of reform was seriously undermined in 1919 by the Rowlatt Act, named after the recommendations made the previous year to the Imperial Legislative Council by the Rowlatt Commission, which had been appointed to investigate what was termed the "seditious conspiracy" and the German and Bolshevik involvement in the millitant movements in India. The Rowlatt Act, also known as the Black Act, vested the Viceroy's government with extraordinary powers to quell sedition by silencing the press, detaining the political activists without trial, and arresting any individuals suspected of sedition or treason without a warrant. In protest, a nationwide cessation of work (hartal) was called, marking the beginning of widespread, although not nationwide, popular discontent. The agitation unleashed by the acts culminated on 13 April 1919, in the Jallianwala Bagh massacre (also known as the Amritsar Massacre) in Amritsar, Punjab. The British military commander, Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer, blocked the main entrance, and ordered his soldiers to fire into an unarmed and unsuspecting crowd of some 5,000 men, women and children. They had assembled at Jallianwala Bagh, a walled in courtyard in defiance of the ban. A total of 1,651 rounds were fired, killing 379 people (as according to an official British commission; Indian estimates ranged as high as 1,499) and wounding 1,137 in the episode, which dispelled wartime hopes of home rule and goodwill in a frenzy of post-war reaction.The Non-cooperation movementsIt can be argued that the independence movement, even towards the end of First World War, was far removed from the masses of India, focusing essentially on a unified commerce-oriented territory and hardly a call for a united nation. That came in the 1930s with the entry of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi into Indian Politics in 1915.The first Non cooperation movementThe first satyagraha movement urged the use of Khadi and Indian material as alternatives to those shipped from Britain. It also urged people to boycott British educational institutions and law courts; resign from government employment; refuse to pay taxes; and forsake British titles and honours. Although this came too late to influence the framing of the new Government of India Act of 1919, the movement enjoyed widespread popular support, and the resulting unparalleled magnitude of disorder presented a serious challenges to foreign rule. However, Gandhi called off the movement following the Chauri Chaura incident, which saw the death of twenty-two policemen at the hands of an angry mob.In 1920, the Congress was reorganized and given a new constitution, whose goal was Swaraj (independence)[citation needed]. Membership in the party was opened to anyone prepared to pay a token fee, and a hierarchy of committees was established and made responsible for discipline and control over a hitherto amorphous and diffuse movement. The party was transformed from an elite organization to one of mass national appeal and participation.Gandhi was imprisoned in 1922 for six years, but was released after serving two. On his release from prison, he set up the Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmedabad, on the banks of river Sabarmati, established the newspaper Young India, and inaugurated a series of reforms aimed at the socially disadvantaged within Hindu society - the rural poor, and the untouchables.This era saw the emergence of new generation of Indians from within the Congress Party, including C. Rajagopalachari, Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel, Subhash Chandra Bose and others- who would later on come to form the prominent voices of the Indian independence movement, whether keeping with Gandhian Values, or diverging from it.The Indian political spectrum was further broadened in the mid-1920s by the emergence of both moderate and militant parties, such as the Swaraj Party, Hindu Mahasabha, Communist Party of India and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Regional political organizations also continued to represent the interests of non-Brahmins in Madras, Mahars in Maharashtra, and Sikhs in Punjab. However, brahmin like Mahakavi Subramanya Bharathi, Vanchinathan and Neelakanda Brahmachari played a major role from Tamil Nadu in both freedom struggle and fighting for equality for all castes and communities.Purna SwarajFollowing the rejection of the recommendations of the Simon Commission by Indians, an all-party conference was held at Bombay in May 1928. This was meant to instil a sense of resistance among people. The conference appointed a drafting committee under Motilal Nehru to draw up a constitution for India. The Calcutta session of the Indian National Congress asked the British government to accord dominion status to India by December 1929, or a countrywide civil disobedience movement would be launched. By 1929, however, in the midst rising political discontent and increasingly violent regional movements, the call for complete independence from Britain began to find increasing grounds within the Congress leadership. Under the presidency of Jawaharlal Nehru at its historic Lahore session in December 1929, The Indian National Congress adopted a resolution calling for complete independence from the British. It authorised the Working Committee to launch a civil disobedience movement throughout the country. It was decided that 26 January 1930 should be observed all over India as the Purna Swaraj (complete independence) Day. Many Indian political parties and Indian revolutionaries of a wide spectrum united to observe the day with honour and pride.Salt March and Civil DisobedienceGandhi emerged from his long seclusion by undertaking his most famous campaign, a march of about 400 kilometres from his commune in Ahmedabad to Dandi, on the coast of Gujarat between 12 March and 6 April 1930. The march is usually known as the Dandi March or the Salt Satyagraha. At Dandi, in protest against British taxes on salt, he and thousands of followers broke the law by making their own salt from seawater.In April 1930 there were violent police-crowd clashes in Calcutta. Approximately over 100,000 people were imprisoned in the course of the Civil disobedience movement (1930-31), while in Peshawar unarmed demonstrators were fired upon in the Qissa Khwani bazaar massacre. The latter event catapulted the then newly formed Khudai Khidmatgar movement (founder Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, the Frontier Gandhi) onto the National scene. While Gandhi was in jail, the first Round Table Conference was held in London in November 1930, without representation from the Indian National Congress. The ban upon the Congress was removed because of economic hardships caused by the satyagraha. Gandhi, along with other members of the Congress Working Committee, was released from prison in January 1931.In March of 1931, the Gandhi-Irwin Pact was signed, and the government agreed to set all political prisoners free (Although, some of the key revolutionaries were not set free and the death sentence for Bhagat Singh and his two comrades was not taken back which further intensified the agitation against Congress not only outside it but with in the Congress it self). In return, Gandhi agreed to discontinue the civil disobedience movement and participate as the sole representative of the Congress in the second Round Table Conference, which was held in London in September 1931. However, the conference ended in failure in December 1931. Gandhi returned to India and decided to resume the civil disobedience movement in January 1932.For the next few years, the Congress and the government were locked in conflict and negotiations until what became the Government of India Act of 1935 could be hammered out. By then, the rift between the Congress and the Muslim League had become unbridgeable as each pointed the finger at the other acrimoniously. The Muslim League disputed the claim of the Congress to represent all people of India, while the Congress disputed the Muslim League's claim to voice the aspirations of all Muslims.Elections and the Lahore resolutionThe Government of India Act 1935, the voluminous and final constitutional effort at governing British India, articulated three major goals: establishing a loose federal structure, achieving provincial autonomy, and safeguarding minority interests through separate electorates. The federal provisions, intended to unite princely states and British India at the centre, were not implemented because of ambiguities in safeguarding the existing privileges of princes. In February 1937, however, provincial autonomy became a reality when elections were held; the Congress emerged as the dominant party with a clear majority in five provinces and held an upper hand in two, while the Muslim League performed poorly.In 1939, the Viceroy Linlithgow declared India's entrance into World War II without consulting provincial governments. In protest, the Congress asked all of its elected representatives to resign from the government. Jinnah, the president of the Muslim League, persuaded participants at the annual Muslim League session at Lahore in 1940 to adopt what later came to be known as the Lahore Resolution, demanding the division of India into two separate sovereign states, one Muslim, the other Hindu; sometimes referred to as Two Nation Theory. Although the idea of Pakistan had been introduced as early as 1930, very few had responded to it. However, the volatile political climate and hostilities between the Hindus and Muslims transformed the idea of Pakistan into a stronger demand.Revolutionary activitiesApart from a few stray incidents, the armed rebellion against the British rulers was not organized before the beginning of the 20th century. The Indian revolutionary underground began gathering momentum through the first decade of 1900s, with groups arising in Maharastra, Bengal, Orissa, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, and the then Madras Presidency including what is now called South India. More groups were scattered around India. Particularly notable movements arose in Bengal, especially around the Partition of Bengal in 1905, and in Punjab.[19] In the former case, it was the educated, intelligent and dedicated youth of the urban Middle Class Bhadralok community that came to form the "Classic" Indian revolutionary[19], while the latter had an immense support base in the rural and Military society of the Punjab. Organisations like Jugantar and Anushilan Samiti had emerged in the 1900s. The revolutionary philosophies and movement made their presence felt during the 1905 Partition of Bengal. Arguably, the initial steps to organize the revolutionaries were taken by Aurobindo Ghosh, his brother Barin Ghosh, Bhupendranath Datta etc. when they formed the Jugantar party in April 1906.[20] Jugantar was created as an inner circle of the Anushilan Samiti which was already present in Bengal mainly as a revolutionary society in the guise of a fitness club.The Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar opened several branches throughout Bengal and other parts of India and recruited young men and women to participate in the revolutionary activities. Several murders and looting were done, with many revolutionaries being captured and imprisoned. The Jugantar party leaders like Barin Ghosh and Bagha Jatin initiated making of explosives. Amongst a number of notable events of political terrorism were the Alipore bomb case, the Muzaffarpur killing tried several activists and many were sentenced to deportation for life, while Khudiram Bose was hanged. The founding of the India House and the The Indian Sociologist under Shyamji Krishna Varma in London in 1909 took the radical movement to Britain itself. On 1 July 1909, Madan Lal Dhingra, an Indian student closely identified with India House in London shot dead William Hutt Curzon Wylie, a British M.P. in London. 1912 saw the Delhi-Lahore Conspiracy planned under Rash Behari Bose, an erstwhile Jugantar member, to assassinate the then Viceroy of India Charles Hardinge. The conspiracy culminated in an attempt to Bomb the Viceregal procession on 23 December 1912, on the occasion of transferring the Imperial Capital tfrom Calcutta to Delhi. In the aftermath of this event, concentrated police and intelligence efforts were made by the British Indian police to destroy the Bengali and Punabi revolutionary underground, which came under intense pressure for sometime. Rash Behari successfully evaded capture for nearly three years. However, by the time that WW I opened in Europe, the revolutionary movement in Bengal (and Punjab) had revived and was strong enough to nearly paralyse the local administration.[21][22]During the First World War, the revolutionaries planned to import arms and ammunitions from Germany and stage an armed revolution against the British.[23]The Ghadar Party operated from abroad and cooperated with the revolutionaries in India. This party was instrumental in helping revolutionaries inside India catch hold of foreign arms.After the First World War, the revolutionary activities began to slowly wane as it suffered major setbacks due to the arrest of prominent leaders. In the 1920s, some revolutionary activists began to reorganize. Hindustan Socialist Republican Association was formed under the leadership of Chandrasekhar Azad. Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Dutt threw a bomb inside the Central Legislative Assembly on 8 April 1929 protesting against the passage of the Public Safety Bill and the Trade Disputes Bill. Following the trial (Central Assembly Bomb Case), Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru were hanged in 1931. Allama Mashriqi founded Khaksar Tehreek in order to direct particularly the Muslims towards the independence movement.[24]Surya Sen, along with other activists, raided the Chittagong armoury on 18 April 1930 to capture arms and ammunition and to destroy government communication system to establish a local governance. Pritilata Waddedar led an attack on a European club in Chittagong in 1932, while Bina Das attempted to assassinate Stanley Jackson, the Governor of Bengal inside the convocation hall of Calcutta University. Following the Chittagong armoury raid case, Surya Sen was hanged and several others were deported for life to the Cellular Jail in Andaman. The Bengal Volunteers started operating in 1928. On 8 December 1930, the Benoy-Badal-Dinesh trio of the party entered the secretariat Writers' Building in Kolkata and murdered Col. N. S. Simpson, the Inspector General of Prisons.On 13 March 1940, Udham Singh shot Michael O'Dwyer, generally held responsible for the Amritsar Massacre, in London. However, as the political scenario changed in the late 1930s — with the mainstream leaders considering several options offered by the British and with religious politics coming into play — revolutionary activities gradually declined. Many past revolutionaries joined mainstream politics by joining Congress and other parties, especially communist ones, while many of the activists were kept under hold in different jails across the country.The climax: War, Quit India, INA and Post-war revoltsIndians throughout the country were divided over World War II, as Linlithgow, without consulting the Indian representatives had unilaterally declared India a belligerent on the side of the allies. In opposition to Linlithgow's action, the entire Congress leadership resigned from the local government councils. However, many wanted to support the British war effort, and indeed the British Indian Army was one of the largest volunteer forces during the war.[citation needed] Especially during the Battle of Britain, Gandhi resisted calls for massive civil disobedience movements that came from within as well as outside his party, stating he did not seek India's freedom out of the ashes of a destroyed Britain. However, like the changing fortunes of the war itself, the movement for freedom saw the rise of two movements that formed the climax of the 100-year struggle for independence.The first of these, the Azad Hind movement led by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, saw its inception early in the war and sought help from the Axis Powers. The second saw its inception in August 1942 led by Gandhi and began following failure of the Cripps' mission to reach a consensus with the Indian political leadership over the transfer of power after the war.The Indian National ArmyThe arbitrary entry of India into the war was strongly opposed by Subhash Chandra Bose, who had been elected President of the Congress twice, in 1937 and 1939. After lobbying against participation in the war, he resigned from Congress in 1939 and started a new party, the All India Forward Bloc. When war broke out, the Raj had put him under house arrest in Calcutta in 1940. However, at the time the war was at its bloodiest in Europe and Asia, he escaped and made his way through Afghanistan to Germany to seek Axis help to raise an army to fight the shackles of the Raj. Here, he raised with Rommel's Indian POWs what came to be known as the Free India Legion. This came to be the conceptualisation in embryonic form of Bose's dream of raising a liberation Army to fight the Raj. However, the turn of tides in the Battlefields of Europe saw Bose make his way ultimately to Japanese South Asia where he formed what came to be known as the Azad Hind Government as the Provisional Free Indian Government in exile, and organized the Indian National Army with Indian POWs and Indian expatriates at South-East Asia, with the help of the Japanese. Its aim was to reach India as a fighting force that would build on public resentment to inspire revolts among Indian soldiers to defeat the Raj.The INA was to see action against the allies, including the British Indian Army, in the forests of in Arakan, Burma and Assam, laying siege on Imphal and Kohima with the Japanese 15th Army. During the war, the Andaman and Nicobar islands were captured by the Japanese and handed over by them to the INA; Bose renamed them Shahid (Martyr) and Swaraj (Independence).The INA would ultimately fail, owing to disrupted logistics, poor arms and supplies from the Japanese, and lack of support and training.[1] The supposed death of Bose is seen as culmination of the entire Azad Hind Movement. Following the surrender of Japan, the troops of the INA were brought to India and a number of them charged with treason. However, Bose's audacious actions and radical initiative had by this time captured the public imagination and also turned the inclination of the native soldiers of the British Indian Forces from one of loyalty to the crown to support for the soldiers that the Raj deemed as collaborators.After the war, the stories of the Azad Hind movement and its army that came into public limelight during the trials of soldiers of the INA in 1945 were seen as so inflammatory that, fearing mass revolts and uprisings — not just in India, but across its empire — the British Government forbade the BBC from broadcasting their story. Newspapers reported the summary execution of INA soldiers held at Red Fort. and after the trial, mutinies broke out in the British Indian Armed forces, most notably in the Royal Indian Navy which found public support throughout India, from Karachi to Bombay and from Vizag to Calcutta.Many historians have argued that it was the INA and the mutinies it inspired among the British Indian Armed forces that were the true driving force for India's independence.Quit IndiaThe Quit India Movement (Bharat Chhodo Andolan) or the August Movement was a civil disobedience movement in India launched in August 1942 in response to Gandhi's call for immediate independence of India and against sending Indians to the World War II.At the outbreak of war, the Congress Party had during the Wardha meeting of the working-committee in September 1939, passed a resolution conditionally supporting the fight against fascism,[36] but were rebuffed when they asked for independence in return. In March 1942, faced with an increasingly dissatisfied sub-continent only reluctantly participating in the war, and deteriorations in the war situation in Europe and South East Asia, and with growing dissatisfactions among Indian troops- especially in Europe- and among the civilian population in the sub-continent, the British government sent a delegation to India under Stafford Cripps, in what came to be known as the Cripps' Mission. The purpose of the mission was to negotiate with the Indian National Congress a deal to obtain total co-operation during the war, in return of progressive devolution and distribution of power from the crown and the Viceroy to elected Indian legislature. However, the talks failed, having failed to address the key demand of a timeframe towards self-government, and of definition of the powers to be relinquished, essentially portraying an offer of limited dominion-status that was wholly unacceptable to the Indian movement.[37] To force the Raj to meet its demands and to obtain definitive word on total independence, the Congress took the decision to launch the Quit India Movement.The aim of the movement was to bring the British Government to the negotiating table by holding the Allied War Effort hostage. The call for determined but passive resistance that signified the certitude that Gandhi foresaw for the movement is best described by his call to Do or Die, issued on 8 August at the Gowalia Tank Maidan in Bombay, since re-named August Kranti Maidan (August Revolution Ground). However, almost the entire Congress leadership, and not merely at the national level, was put into confinement less than twenty-four hours after Gandhi's speech, and the greater number of the Congress khiland were to spend the rest of the war in jail.On August 8, 1942, the Quit India resolution was passed at the Bombay session of the All India Congress Committee (AICC). The draft proposed that if the British did not accede to the demands, a massive Civil Disobedience would be launched. However, it was an extremely controversial decision. At Gowalia Tank, Mumbai, Gandhi urged Indians to follow a non-violent civil disobedience. Gandhi told the masses to act as an independent nation and not to follow the orders of the British. The British, already alarmed by the advance of the Japanese army to the India–Burma border, responded the next day by imprisoning Gandhi at the Aga Khan Palace in Pune. The Congress Party's Working Committee, or national leadership was arrested all together and imprisoned at the Ahmednagar Fort. They also banned the party altogether. Large-scale protests and demonstrations were held all over the country. Workers remained absent en masse and strikes were called. The movement also saw widespread acts of sabotage, Indian under-ground organisation carried out bomb attacks on allied supply convoys, government buildings were set on fire, electricity lines were disconnected and transport and communication lines were severed. The Congress had lesser success in rallying other political forces, including the Muslim League under a single mast and movement. It did however, obtain passive support from a substantial Muslim population at the peak of the movement.The British swiftly responded by mass detentions. A total over 100,000 arrests were made nationwide, mass fines were levied, bombs were airdropped[citation needed] and demonstrators were subjected to public flogging.The movement soon became a leaderless act of defiance, with a number of acts that deviated from Gandhi's principle of non-violence. In large parts of the country, the local underground organisations took over the movement. However, by 1943, Quit India had petered out.RIN MutinyThe Royal Indian Navy Mutiny (the RIN Mutiny or the Bombay Mutiny) encompasses a total strike and subsequent mutiny by the Indian sailors of the Royal Indian Navy on board ship and shore establishments at Bombay (Mumbai) harbour on 18 February 1946. From the initial flashpoint in Bombay, the mutiny spread and found support through India, from Karachi to Calcutta and ultimately came to involve 78 ships, 20 shore establishments and 20,000 sailors.The RIN Mutiny started as a strike by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy on the 18th February in protest against general conditions. The immediate issues of the mutiny were conditions and food, but there were more fundamental matters such as racist behaviour by British officers of the Royal Navy personnel towards Indian sailors, and disciplinary measures being taken against anyone demonstrating pro-nationalist sympathies. The strike found immense support among the Indian population already in grips with the stories of the Indian National Army. The actions of the mutineers were supported by demonstrations which included a one-day general strike in Bombay. The strike spread to other cities, and was joined by the Air Force and local police forces. Naval officers and men began calling themselves the Indian National Navy and offered left handed salutes to British officers. At some places, NCOs in the British Indian Army ignored and defied orders from British superiors. In Madras and Pune, the British garrisons had to face revolts within the ranks of the British Indian Army. Widespread riotings took place from Karachi to Calcutta. Famously the ships hoisted three flags tied together — those of the Congress, Muslim League, and the Red Flag of the Communist Party of India (CPI), signifying the unity and demarginalisation of communal issues among the mutineers.Independence, 1947 to 1950On 3 June 1947, Viscount Louis Mountbatten, the last British Governor-General of India, announced the partitioning of the British Indian Empire into a secular India and a Muslim Pakistan. On 14 August 1947, Pakistan was declared a separate nation from them. At midnight, on 15 August 1947, India became an independent nation. Violent clashes between Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs followed. Prime Minister Nehru and Deputy Prime Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel invited Mountbatten to continue as Governor General of India. He was replaced in June 1948 by Chakravarti Rajagopalachari. Patel took on the responsibility of unifying 565 princely states, steering efforts by his “iron fist in a velvet glove” policies, exemplified by the use of military force to integrate Junagadh, Jammu and Kashmir, and Hyderabad state (Operation Polo) into India.The Constituent Assembly completed the work of drafting the constitution on 26 November 1949; on 26 January 1950 the Republic of India was officially proclaimed. The Constituent Assembly elected Dr. Rajendra Prasad as the first President of India, taking over from Governor General Rajgopalachari. Subsequently, a free and sovereign India absorbed two other territories: Goa (from Portuguese control in 1961) and Pondicherry (which the French ceded in 1953–1954). In 1952, India held its first general elections, with a voter turnout exceeding 62%; this made it the world’s largest democracy.sibpur, Haryana.
Congress with prominent moderatist leaders seeking Dominion status within the commonwealth. Beginning of early 1900s saw a more radical approach towards political independence proposed by leaders as the Lal Bal Pal and Sri Aurobindo. Militant nationalism also emerged in the first decades, culminating in the failed Indo-German Pact and Ghadar Conspiracy during the World War I. The end of the war saw the Congress adopt the policies of nonviolent agitation and civil disobedience led by Mahatma Gandhi. Other leaders, such as Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, later came to adopt a military approach to the movement. The world War II period saw the peak of the movements like INA movement led by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose from East Asia and Quit India movement.India remained a Dominion of The Crown till 26 January 1950, when it adopted its Constitution to proclaim itself a Republic. Pakistan proclaimed itself a Republic in 1956 but faced a number of internal power struggles that has seen suspensions of democracy. In 1971, the Pakistani Civil War culminating in the 1971 War saw the splintering-off of East Pakistan into the nation of Bangladesh.The independence movement also served as a major catalyst for similar movements in other parts of the world, leading to the eventual disintegration and dismantling of the British Empire and its replacement with the Commonwealth of Nations. Gandhi's philosophy of nonviolent resistance inspired the American Civil Rights Movement (1955-1968) led by Martin Luther King, Jr., the quest for democracy in Myanmar led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the African National Congress's struggle against apartheid in South Africa led by Nelson Mandela. However not all these leaders adhered to Gandhi's strict principle of nonviolence and nonresistance.EUROPEAN RULEEuropean traders came to Indian shores with the arrival of the Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama in 1498 at the port of Calicut in search of the lucrative spice trade. After the 1757 Battle of Plassey, during which the British army under Robert Clive defeated the Nawab of Bengal, the British East India Company established itself. This is widely seen as the beginning of the British Raj in India. The Company gained administrative rights over Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa in 1765 after the Battle of Buxar. They then annexed Punjab in 1849 after the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1839 and the First Anglo-Sikh War (1845–1846) and then the Second Anglo-Sikh War (1848–49).The British parliament enacted a series of laws to handle the administration of the newly-conquered provinces, including the Regulating Act of 1773, the India Act of 1784, and the Charter Act of 1813; all enhanced the British government's rule. In 1835 English was made the medium of instruction. Western-educated Hindu elites sought to rid Hinduism of controversial social practices, including the varna (caste) system, child marriage, and sati. Literary and debating societies initiated in Bombay and Madras became fora for open political discourse. The educational attainment and skilful use of the press by these early reformers created the growing possibility for effecting broad reforms, all without compromising larger Indian social values and religious practices.Even while these modernising trends influenced Indian society, Indians increasingly despised British rule. The memoirs of Henry Ouvry of the 9th Lancers record many "a good thrashing" to careless servants.[citation needed] A spice merchant, Frank Brown, wrote to his nephew that stories of maltreatment of servants had not been exaggerated and that he knew people who kept orderlies "purposely to thrash them".[citation needed] As the British increasingly dominated the continent, they grew increasingly abusive of local customs by, for example, staging parties in mosques, dancing to the music of regimental bands on the terrace of the Taj Mahal, using whips to force their way through crowded bazaars (as recounted by General Henry Blake), and mistreating sepoys. In the years after the annexation of Punjab in 1849, several mutinies among sepoys broke out; these were put down by force.Regional movements prior to 1857Several regional movements against foreign rule were staged in various parts of pre-1857 India. However, they were not united and were easily controlled by the foreign rulers. Examples include the Sannyasi Rebellion in Bengal in the 1770s, the 1787 ethnic revolt against Portuguese control of Goa known as the Conspiracy Of The Pintos, the revolt of Titumir in Bengal in 1830's and uprisings by South Indian local chieftains like Veerapandya Kattabomman against British rule. movements included the Santal Rebellion and the resistance offered to the British by Titumir in Bengal, the Kittur Rebellion in Karnataka, Polygar Wars in Tamil Nadu, Kutch Rebellion in Saurashtra.The Indian Rebellion of 1857The Indian Rebellion of 1857 was a period of uprising in the northern and central India against British rule in 1857–58. The rebellion was the result of decades of ethnic and cultural differences between Indian soldiers and their British officers. The indifference of the British towards Indian rulers like the Mughals and ex-Peshwas and the annexation of Oudh were political factors triggering dissent amongst Indians. Dalhousie’s policy of annexation, the doctrine of lapse or escheat, and the projected removal of the descendants of the Great Mughal from their ancestral palace to the Qutb, near Delhi also angered some people. The specific reason that triggered the rebellion was the rumoured use of cow and pig fat in .557 calibre Pattern 1853 Enfield (P/53) rifle cartridges. Soldiers had to break the cartridges with their teeth before loading them into their rifles. So if there was cow and pig fat, it would be offensive to Hindu and Muslim soldiers, respectively. In February 1857, sepoys (Indian soldiers in the British army) refused to use their new cartridges. The British claimed to have replaced the cartridges with new ones and tried to make sepoys make their own grease from beeswax and vegetable oils, but the rumour persisted.In March 1857, Mangal Pandey, a soldier of the 34th Native Infantry in Barrackpore, attacked his British sergeant and wounded an adjutant. General Hearsay, who said Pandey was in some kind of "religious frenzy," ordered a jemadar to arrest him but the jemadar refused. Mangal Pandey was hanged on 7 April along with the jemadar. The whole regiment was dismissed as a collective punishment. On May 10, when the 11th and 20th Cavalry assembled, they broke rank and turned on their commanding officers. They then liberated the 3rd Regiment, and on 11 May the sepoys reached Delhi and were joined by other Indians. The Red Fort, the residence of the last Mughal emperor Bahadur, was attacked and captured by the sepoys. They demanded that he reclaim his throne. He was reluctant at first, but eventually agreed to the demands and became the leader of the rebellion.Soon, the revolt spread throughout northern India. Revolts broke out in places like Meerut, Jhansi, Kanpur, Lucknow etc. The British were slow to respond, but eventually responded with brute force. British moved regiments from the Crimean War and diverted European regiments headed for China to India. The British fought the main army of the rebels near Delhi in Badl-ke-Serai and drove them back to Delhi before laying siege on the city. The siege of Delhi lasted roughly from 1 July to 31 August. After a week of street fighting, the British retook the city. The last significant battle was fought in Gwalior on 20 June 1858. It was during this battle that Rani Lakshmi Bai was killed. Sporadic fighting continued until 1859 but most of the rebels were subdued. Some notable leaders were Ahmed Ullah, an advisor of the ex-King of Oudh; Nana Sahib; his nephew Rao Sahib and his retainers, Tantia Topi and Azimullah Khan; the Rani of Jhansi; Kunwar Singh; the Rajput chief of Jagadishpur in Bihar; Firuz Saha, a relative of the Mughal Emperor, Bahadur Shah and Pran Sukh Yadav who along with Rao Tula Ram of Rewari fought with Britishers at Nahe Indian Rebellion of 1857 was a period of uprising in the northern and central India against British rule in 1857–58. The rebellion was the result of decades of ethnic and cultural differences between Indian soldiers and their British officers. The indifference of the British towards Indian rulers like the Mughals and ex-Peshwas and the annexation of Oudh were political factors triggering dissent amongst Indians. Dalhousie’s policy of annexation, the doctrine of lapse or escheat, and the projected removal of the descendants of the Great Mughal from their ancestral palace to the Qutb, near Delhi also angered some people. The specific reason that triggered the rebellion was the rumoured use of cow and pig fat in .557 calibre Pattern 1853 Enfield (P/53) rifle cartridges. Soldiers had to break the cartridges with their teeth before loading them into their rifles. So if there was cow and pig fat, it would be offensive to Hindu and Muslim soldiers, respectively. In February 1857, sepoys (Indian soldiers in the British army) refused to use their new cartridges. The British claimed to have replaced the cartridges with new ones and tried to make sepoys make their own grease from beeswax and vegetable oils, but the rumour persisted.In March 1857, Mangal Pandey, a soldier of the 34th Native Infantry in Barrackpore, attacked his British sergeant and wounded an adjutant. General Hearsay, who said Pandey was in some kind of "religious frenzy," ordered a jemadar to arrest him but the jemadar refused. Mangal Pandey was hanged on 7 April along with the jemadar. The whole regiment was dismissed as a collective punishment. On May 10, when the 11th and 20th Cavalry assembled, they broke rank and turned on their commanding officers. They then liberated the 3rd Regiment, and on 11 May the sepoys reached Delhi and were joined by other Indians. The Red Fort, the residence of the last Mughal emperor Bahadur, was attacked and captured by the sepoys. They demanded that he reclaim his throne. He was reluctant at first, but eventually agreed to the demands and became the leader of the rebellion.Soon, the revolt spread throughout northern India. Revolts broke out in places like Meerut, Jhansi, Kanpur, Lucknow etc. The British were slow to respond, but eventually responded with brute force. British moved regiments from the Crimean War and diverted European regiments headed for China to India. The British fought the main army of the rebels near Delhi in Badl-ke-Serai and drove them back to Delhi before laying siege on the city. The siege of Delhi lasted roughly from 1 July to 31 August. After a week of street fighting, the British retook the city. The last significant battle was fought in Gwalior on 20 June 1858. It was during this battle that Rani Lakshmi Bai was killed. Sporadic fighting continued until 1859 but most of the rebels were subdued. Some notable leaders were Ahmed Ullah, an advisor of the ex-King of Oudh; Nana Sahib; his nephew Rao Sahib and his retainers, Tantia Topi and Azimullah Khan; the Rani of Jhansi; Kunwar Singh; the Rajput chief of Jagadishpur in Bihar; Firuz Saha, a relative of the Mughal Emperor, Bahadur Shah and Pran Sukh Yadav who along with Rao Tula Ram of Rewari fought with Britishers at Nasibpur, Haryana.AftermathThe war of 1857 was a major turning point in the history of modern India. The British abolished the British East India Company and replaced it with direct rule under the British crown. A Viceroy was appointed to represent the Crown. In proclaiming the new direct-rule policy to "the Princes, Chiefs, and Peoples of India," Queen Victoria promised equal treatment under British law, but Indian mistrust of British rule had become a legacy of the 1857 rebellion.The British embarked on a program in India of reform and political restructuring, trying to integrate Indian higher castes and rulers into the government. They stopped land grabs, decreed religious tolerance and admitted Indians into the civil service, albeit mainly as subordinates. They also increased the number of British soldiers in relation to native ones and allowed only British soldiers to handle artillery. Bahadur Shah was exiled to Rangoon, Burma where he died in 1862, finally bringing the Mughal dynasty to an end. In 1877, Queen Victoria took the title of Empress of India.Rise of organized movementsThe decades following the Sepoy Rebellion were a period of growing political awareness, manifestation of Indian public opinion and emergence of Indian leadership at national and provincial levels. Dadabhai Naoroji formed East India Association in 1867, and Surendranath Banerjea founded Indian National Association in 1876. Inspired by a suggestion made by A.O. Hume, a retired British civil servant, seventy-three Indian delegates met in Bombay in 1885 and founded the Indian National Congress. They were mostly members of the upwardly mobile and successful western-educated provincial elites, engaged in professions such as law, teaching, and journalism. At its inception, the Congress had no well-defined ideology and commanded few of the resources essential to a political organization. It functioned more as a debating society that met annually to express its loyalty to the British Raj and passed numerous resolutions on less controversial issues such as civil rights or opportunities in government, especially the civil service. These resolutions were submitted to the Viceroy's government and occasionally to the British Parliament, but the Congress's early gains were meagre. Despite its claim to represent all India, the Congress voiced the interests of urban elites; the number of participants from other economic backgrounds remained negligible.The influences of socio-religious groups such as Arya Samaj (started by Swami Dayanand Saraswati) and Brahmo Samaj (founded, among others, by Raja Ram Mohan Roy) became evident in pioneering reform of Indian society. The inculcation of religious reform and social pride was fundamental to the rise of a public movement for complete nationhood. The work of men like Swami Vivekananda, Ramakrishna Paramhansa, Sri Aurobindo, Subramanya Bharathy, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Rabindranath Tagore and Dadabhai Naoroji spread the passion for rejuvenation and freedom.By 1900, although the Congress had emerged as an all-India political organization, its achievement was undermined by its singular failure to attract Muslims, who felt that their representation in government service was inadequate. Attacks by Hindu reformers against religious conversion, cow slaughter, and the preservation of Urdu in Arabic script deepened their concerns of minority status and denial of rights if the Congress alone were to represent the people of India. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan launched a movement for Muslim regeneration that culminated in the founding in 1875 of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh (renamed Aligarh Muslim University in 1921). Its objective was to educate wealthy students by emphasizing the compatibility of Islam with modern western knowledge. The diversity among India's Muslims, however, made it impossible to bring about uniform cultural and intellectual regeneration.Rise of Indian nationalismThe first spurts of nationalistic sentiment that rose amongst Congress members were when the desire to be represented in the bodies of government, to have a say, a vote in the lawmaking and issues of administration of India. Congressmen saw themselves as loyalists, but wanted an active role in governing their own country, albeit as part of the Empire. This trend was personified by Dadabhai Naoroji, who went as far as contesting, successfully, an election to the British House of Commons, becoming its first Indian member.Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first Indian nationalist to embrace Swaraj as the destiny of the nation. Tilak deeply opposed the British education system that ignored and defamed India's culture, history and values. He resented the denial of freedom of expression for nationalists, and the lack of any voice or role for ordinary Indians in the affairs of their nation. For these reasons, he considered Swaraj as the natural and only solution. His popular sentence "Swaraj is my birthright, and I shall have it" became the source of inspiration for Indians.In 1907, the Congress was split into two. Tilak advocated what was deemed as extremism. He wanted a direct assault by the people upon the British Raj, and the abandonment of all things British. He was backed by rising public leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai, who held the same point of view. Under them, India's three great states - Maharashtra, Bengal and Punjab shaped the demand of the people and India's nationalism. The moderates, led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Pherozeshah Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji held firm to calls for negotiations and political dialogue. Gokhale criticized Tilak for encouraging acts of violence and disorder. But the Congress of 1906 did not have public membership, and thus Tilak and his supporters were forced to leave the party.But with Tilak's arrest, all hopes for an Indian offensive were stalled. The Congress lost credit with the people, while Muslims were alarmed with the rise of Tilak's Hindu nationalism, and formed the All India Muslim League in 1906, considered the Congress as completely unsuitable for Indian Muslims. A Muslim deputation met with the Viceroy, Minto (1905–10), seeking concessions from the impending constitutional reforms, including special considerations in government service and electorates. The British recognised some of Muslim League's petitions by increasing the number of elective offices reserved for Muslims in the Government of India Act 1909. The Muslim League insisted on its separateness from the Hindu-dominated Congress, as the voice of a "nation within a nation."Partition of BengalIn 1905, Curzon, the Viceroy and Governor-General (1899–1905), ordered the partition of the province of Bengal for improvements in administrative efficiency in that huge and populous region, where the Bengali Hindu intelligentsia exerted considerable influence on local and national politics. The partition outraged Bengalis. Not only had the government failed to consult Indian public opinion, but the action appeared to reflect the British resolve to divide and rule. Widespread agitation ensued in the streets and in the press, and the Congress advocated boycotting British products under the banner of swadeshi. People showed unity by tying Rakhi on each other's wrists and observing Arandhan (not cooking any food).During the partition of Bengal new methods of struggle were adopted. These led to swadeshi and boycott movements. The Congress-led boycott of British goods was so successful that it unleashed anti-British forces to an extent unknown since the Sepoy Rebellion. A cycle of violence and repression ensued in some parts of the country (see Alipore bomb case). The British tried to mitigate the situation by announcing a series of constitutional reforms in 1909 and by appointing a few moderates to the imperial and provincial councils. In what the British saw as an additional goodwill gesture, in 1911 King-Emperor George V visited India for a durbar (a traditional court held for subjects to express fealty to their ruler), during which he announced the reversal of the partition of Bengal and the transfer of the capital from Calcutta to a newly planned city to be built immediately south of Delhi, which later became New Delhi. However, ceremony of transfer on 23 December 1912 was marked by the attempt to assassinate the then Viceroy, Lord Hardinge, in what came to be known as the Delhi-Lahore conspiracy.World War IWorld War I began with an unprecedented outpouring of loyalty and goodwill towards the United Kingdom from within the mainstream political leadership, contrary to initial British fears of an Indian revolt. India contributed massively to the British war effort by providing men and resources. About 1.3 million Indian soldiers and labourers served in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East, while both the Indian government and the princes sent large supplies of food, money, and ammunition. However, Bengal and Punjab remained hotbeds of anti colonial activities. Terrorism in Bengal, increasingly closely linked with the unrests in Punjab, was significant enough to nearly paralyse the regional administration.[7][8] Also from the beginning of the war, expatriate Indian population, notably from United States, Canada, and Germany, headed by the Berlin Committee and the Ghadar Party, attempted to trigger insurrections in India on the lines of the 1857 uprising with Irish Republican, German and Turkish help in a massive conspiracy that has since come to be called the Hindu German conspiracy. This conspiracy also attempted to rally Afghanistan against British India. number of failed attempts were made at mutiny, of which the February mutiny plan and the Singapore mutiny remains most notable. This movement was suppressed by means of a massive international counter-intelligence operation and draconian political acts (including the Defence of India act 1915) that lasted nearly ten years.In the aftermath of the WW I, high casualty rates, soaring inflation compounded by heavy taxation, a widespread influenza epidemic, and the disruption of trade during the war escalated human suffering in India. The Indian soldiers smuggled arms into India to overthrow the British rule. The prewar nationalist movement revived as moderate and extremist groups within the Congress submerged their differences in order to stand as a unified front. In 1916, the Congress succeeded in forging the Lucknow Pact, a temporary alliance with the Muslim League over the issues of devolution of political power and the future of Islam in the region.The British themselves adopted a "carrot and stick" approach in recognition of India's support during the war and in response to renewed nationalist demands. In August 1917, Edwin Montagu, the secretary of state for India, made the historic announcement in Parliament that the British policy for India was "increasing association of Indians in every branch of the administration and the gradual development of self-governing institutions with a view to the progressive realization of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British Empire." The means of achieving the proposed measure were later enshrined in the Government of India Act 1919, which introduced the principle of a dual mode of administration, or diarchy, in which both elected Indian legislators and appointed British officials shared power. The act also expanded the central and provincial legislatures and widened the franchise considerably. Diarchy set in motion certain real changes at the provincial level: a number of non-controversial or "transferred" portfolios, such as agriculture, local government, health, education, and public works, were handed over to Indians, while more sensitive matters such as finance, taxation, and maintaining law and order were retained by the provincial British administrators.Gandhi arrives in IndiaGandhi had been a prominent leader of the anti-Apartheid movement in South Africa, and had been a vocal opponent of basic discrimination and abusive labour treatment as well as suppressive police control such as the Rowlatt Acts. During these protests, Gandhi had perfected the concept of satyagraha, which had been inspired by the philosophy of Baba Ram Singh (famous for leading the Kuka Movement in the Punjab in 1872). The end of the protests in South Africa saw oppressive legislation repealed and the release of political prisoners by General Jan Smuts, head of the South African Government of the time.Gandhi, a stranger to India and its politics after twenty years, had initially entered the fray not with calls for a nation-state, but in support of the unified commerce-oriented territory that the Congress Party had been asking for. Gandhi believed that the industrial development and educational development that the Europeans had brought with them were required to alleviate many of India's problems. Gopal Krishna Gokhale, a veteran Congressman and Indian leader, became Gandhi's mentor. Gandhi's ideas and strategies of non-violent civil disobedience initially appeared impractical to some Indians and Congressmen. In Gandhi's own words, "civil disobedience is civil breach of unmoral statutory enactments." It had to be carried out non-violently by withdrawing cooperation with the corrupt state. Gandhi's ability to inspire millions of common people became clear when he used satyagraha during the anti-Rowlatt Act protests in Punjab.Gandhi’s vision would soon bring millions of regular Indians into the movement, transforming it from an elitist struggle to a national one. The nationalist cause was expanded to include the interests and industries that formed the economy of common Indians. For example, in Champaran, Bihar, the Congress Party championed the plight of desperately poor sharecroppers and landless farmers who were being forced to pay oppressive taxes and grow cash crops at the expense of the subsistence crops which formed their food supply. The profits from the crops they grew were insufficient to provide for their sustenance.The Rowlatt Act and its aftermathThe positive impact of reform was seriously undermined in 1919 by the Rowlatt Act, named after the recommendations made the previous year to the Imperial Legislative Council by the Rowlatt Commission, which had been appointed to investigate what was termed the "seditious conspiracy" and the German and Bolshevik involvement in the millitant movements in India. The Rowlatt Act, also known as the Black Act, vested the Viceroy's government with extraordinary powers to quell sedition by silencing the press, detaining the political activists without trial, and arresting any individuals suspected of sedition or treason without a warrant. In protest, a nationwide cessation of work (hartal) was called, marking the beginning of widespread, although not nationwide, popular discontent. The agitation unleashed by the acts culminated on 13 April 1919, in the Jallianwala Bagh massacre (also known as the Amritsar Massacre) in Amritsar, Punjab. The British military commander, Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer, blocked the main entrance, and ordered his soldiers to fire into an unarmed and unsuspecting crowd of some 5,000 men, women and children. They had assembled at Jallianwala Bagh, a walled in courtyard in defiance of the ban. A total of 1,651 rounds were fired, killing 379 people (as according to an official British commission; Indian estimates ranged as high as 1,499) and wounding 1,137 in the episode, which dispelled wartime hopes of home rule and goodwill in a frenzy of post-war reaction.The Non-cooperation movementsIt can be argued that the independence movement, even towards the end of First World War, was far removed from the masses of India, focusing essentially on a unified commerce-oriented territory and hardly a call for a united nation. That came in the 1930s with the entry of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi into Indian Politics in 1915.The first Non cooperation movementThe first satyagraha movement urged the use of Khadi and Indian material as alternatives to those shipped from Britain. It also urged people to boycott British educational institutions and law courts; resign from government employment; refuse to pay taxes; and forsake British titles and honours. Although this came too late to influence the framing of the new Government of India Act of 1919, the movement enjoyed widespread popular support, and the resulting unparalleled magnitude of disorder presented a serious challenges to foreign rule. However, Gandhi called off the movement following the Chauri Chaura incident, which saw the death of twenty-two policemen at the hands of an angry mob.In 1920, the Congress was reorganized and given a new constitution, whose goal was Swaraj (independence)[citation needed]. Membership in the party was opened to anyone prepared to pay a token fee, and a hierarchy of committees was established and made responsible for discipline and control over a hitherto amorphous and diffuse movement. The party was transformed from an elite organization to one of mass national appeal and participation.Gandhi was imprisoned in 1922 for six years, but was released after serving two. On his release from prison, he set up the Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmedabad, on the banks of river Sabarmati, established the newspaper Young India, and inaugurated a series of reforms aimed at the socially disadvantaged within Hindu society - the rural poor, and the untouchables.This era saw the emergence of new generation of Indians from within the Congress Party, including C. Rajagopalachari, Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel, Subhash Chandra Bose and others- who would later on come to form the prominent voices of the Indian independence movement, whether keeping with Gandhian Values, or diverging from it.The Indian political spectrum was further broadened in the mid-1920s by the emergence of both moderate and militant parties, such as the Swaraj Party, Hindu Mahasabha, Communist Party of India and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Regional political organizations also continued to represent the interests of non-Brahmins in Madras, Mahars in Maharashtra, and Sikhs in Punjab. However, brahmin like Mahakavi Subramanya Bharathi, Vanchinathan and Neelakanda Brahmachari played a major role from Tamil Nadu in both freedom struggle and fighting for equality for all castes and communities.Purna SwarajFollowing the rejection of the recommendations of the Simon Commission by Indians, an all-party conference was held at Bombay in May 1928. This was meant to instil a sense of resistance among people. The conference appointed a drafting committee under Motilal Nehru to draw up a constitution for India. The Calcutta session of the Indian National Congress asked the British government to accord dominion status to India by December 1929, or a countrywide civil disobedience movement would be launched. By 1929, however, in the midst rising political discontent and increasingly violent regional movements, the call for complete independence from Britain began to find increasing grounds within the Congress leadership. Under the presidency of Jawaharlal Nehru at its historic Lahore session in December 1929, The Indian National Congress adopted a resolution calling for complete independence from the British. It authorised the Working Committee to launch a civil disobedience movement throughout the country. It was decided that 26 January 1930 should be observed all over India as the Purna Swaraj (complete independence) Day. Many Indian political parties and Indian revolutionaries of a wide spectrum united to observe the day with honour and pride.Salt March and Civil DisobedienceGandhi emerged from his long seclusion by undertaking his most famous campaign, a march of about 400 kilometres from his commune in Ahmedabad to Dandi, on the coast of Gujarat between 12 March and 6 April 1930. The march is usually known as the Dandi March or the Salt Satyagraha. At Dandi, in protest against British taxes on salt, he and thousands of followers broke the law by making their own salt from seawater.In April 1930 there were violent police-crowd clashes in Calcutta. Approximately over 100,000 people were imprisoned in the course of the Civil disobedience movement (1930-31), while in Peshawar unarmed demonstrators were fired upon in the Qissa Khwani bazaar massacre. The latter event catapulted the then newly formed Khudai Khidmatgar movement (founder Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, the Frontier Gandhi) onto the National scene. While Gandhi was in jail, the first Round Table Conference was held in London in November 1930, without representation from the Indian National Congress. The ban upon the Congress was removed because of economic hardships caused by the satyagraha. Gandhi, along with other members of the Congress Working Committee, was released from prison in January 1931.In March of 1931, the Gandhi-Irwin Pact was signed, and the government agreed to set all political prisoners free (Although, some of the key revolutionaries were not set free and the death sentence for Bhagat Singh and his two comrades was not taken back which further intensified the agitation against Congress not only outside it but with in the Congress it self). In return, Gandhi agreed to discontinue the civil disobedience movement and participate as the sole representative of the Congress in the second Round Table Conference, which was held in London in September 1931. However, the conference ended in failure in December 1931. Gandhi returned to India and decided to resume the civil disobedience movement in January 1932.For the next few years, the Congress and the government were locked in conflict and negotiations until what became the Government of India Act of 1935 could be hammered out. By then, the rift between the Congress and the Muslim League had become unbridgeable as each pointed the finger at the other acrimoniously. The Muslim League disputed the claim of the Congress to represent all people of India, while the Congress disputed the Muslim League's claim to voice the aspirations of all Muslims.Elections and the Lahore resolutionThe Government of India Act 1935, the voluminous and final constitutional effort at governing British India, articulated three major goals: establishing a loose federal structure, achieving provincial autonomy, and safeguarding minority interests through separate electorates. The federal provisions, intended to unite princely states and British India at the centre, were not implemented because of ambiguities in safeguarding the existing privileges of princes. In February 1937, however, provincial autonomy became a reality when elections were held; the Congress emerged as the dominant party with a clear majority in five provinces and held an upper hand in two, while the Muslim League performed poorly.In 1939, the Viceroy Linlithgow declared India's entrance into World War II without consulting provincial governments. In protest, the Congress asked all of its elected representatives to resign from the government. Jinnah, the president of the Muslim League, persuaded participants at the annual Muslim League session at Lahore in 1940 to adopt what later came to be known as the Lahore Resolution, demanding the division of India into two separate sovereign states, one Muslim, the other Hindu; sometimes referred to as Two Nation Theory. Although the idea of Pakistan had been introduced as early as 1930, very few had responded to it. However, the volatile political climate and hostilities between the Hindus and Muslims transformed the idea of Pakistan into a stronger demand.Revolutionary activitiesApart from a few stray incidents, the armed rebellion against the British rulers was not organized before the beginning of the 20th century. The Indian revolutionary underground began gathering momentum through the first decade of 1900s, with groups arising in Maharastra, Bengal, Orissa, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, and the then Madras Presidency including what is now called South India. More groups were scattered around India. Particularly notable movements arose in Bengal, especially around the Partition of Bengal in 1905, and in Punjab.[19] In the former case, it was the educated, intelligent and dedicated youth of the urban Middle Class Bhadralok community that came to form the "Classic" Indian revolutionary[19], while the latter had an immense support base in the rural and Military society of the Punjab. Organisations like Jugantar and Anushilan Samiti had emerged in the 1900s. The revolutionary philosophies and movement made their presence felt during the 1905 Partition of Bengal. Arguably, the initial steps to organize the revolutionaries were taken by Aurobindo Ghosh, his brother Barin Ghosh, Bhupendranath Datta etc. when they formed the Jugantar party in April 1906.[20] Jugantar was created as an inner circle of the Anushilan Samiti which was already present in Bengal mainly as a revolutionary society in the guise of a fitness club.The Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar opened several branches throughout Bengal and other parts of India and recruited young men and women to participate in the revolutionary activities. Several murders and looting were done, with many revolutionaries being captured and imprisoned. The Jugantar party leaders like Barin Ghosh and Bagha Jatin initiated making of explosives. Amongst a number of notable events of political terrorism were the Alipore bomb case, the Muzaffarpur killing tried several activists and many were sentenced to deportation for life, while Khudiram Bose was hanged. The founding of the India House and the The Indian Sociologist under Shyamji Krishna Varma in London in 1909 took the radical movement to Britain itself. On 1 July 1909, Madan Lal Dhingra, an Indian student closely identified with India House in London shot dead William Hutt Curzon Wylie, a British M.P. in London. 1912 saw the Delhi-Lahore Conspiracy planned under Rash Behari Bose, an erstwhile Jugantar member, to assassinate the then Viceroy of India Charles Hardinge. The conspiracy culminated in an attempt to Bomb the Viceregal procession on 23 December 1912, on the occasion of transferring the Imperial Capital tfrom Calcutta to Delhi. In the aftermath of this event, concentrated police and intelligence efforts were made by the British Indian police to destroy the Bengali and Punabi revolutionary underground, which came under intense pressure for sometime. Rash Behari successfully evaded capture for nearly three years. However, by the time that WW I opened in Europe, the revolutionary movement in Bengal (and Punjab) had revived and was strong enough to nearly paralyse the local administration.[21][22]During the First World War, the revolutionaries planned to import arms and ammunitions from Germany and stage an armed revolution against the British.[23]The Ghadar Party operated from abroad and cooperated with the revolutionaries in India. This party was instrumental in helping revolutionaries inside India catch hold of foreign arms.After the First World War, the revolutionary activities began to slowly wane as it suffered major setbacks due to the arrest of prominent leaders. In the 1920s, some revolutionary activists began to reorganize. Hindustan Socialist Republican Association was formed under the leadership of Chandrasekhar Azad. Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Dutt threw a bomb inside the Central Legislative Assembly on 8 April 1929 protesting against the passage of the Public Safety Bill and the Trade Disputes Bill. Following the trial (Central Assembly Bomb Case), Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru were hanged in 1931. Allama Mashriqi founded Khaksar Tehreek in order to direct particularly the Muslims towards the independence movement.[24]Surya Sen, along with other activists, raided the Chittagong armoury on 18 April 1930 to capture arms and ammunition and to destroy government communication system to establish a local governance. Pritilata Waddedar led an attack on a European club in Chittagong in 1932, while Bina Das attempted to assassinate Stanley Jackson, the Governor of Bengal inside the convocation hall of Calcutta University. Following the Chittagong armoury raid case, Surya Sen was hanged and several others were deported for life to the Cellular Jail in Andaman. The Bengal Volunteers started operating in 1928. On 8 December 1930, the Benoy-Badal-Dinesh trio of the party entered the secretariat Writers' Building in Kolkata and murdered Col. N. S. Simpson, the Inspector General of Prisons.On 13 March 1940, Udham Singh shot Michael O'Dwyer, generally held responsible for the Amritsar Massacre, in London. However, as the political scenario changed in the late 1930s — with the mainstream leaders considering several options offered by the British and with religious politics coming into play — revolutionary activities gradually declined. Many past revolutionaries joined mainstream politics by joining Congress and other parties, especially communist ones, while many of the activists were kept under hold in different jails across the country.The climax: War, Quit India, INA and Post-war revoltsIndians throughout the country were divided over World War II, as Linlithgow, without consulting the Indian representatives had unilaterally declared India a belligerent on the side of the allies. In opposition to Linlithgow's action, the entire Congress leadership resigned from the local government councils. However, many wanted to support the British war effort, and indeed the British Indian Army was one of the largest volunteer forces during the war.[citation needed] Especially during the Battle of Britain, Gandhi resisted calls for massive civil disobedience movements that came from within as well as outside his party, stating he did not seek India's freedom out of the ashes of a destroyed Britain. However, like the changing fortunes of the war itself, the movement for freedom saw the rise of two movements that formed the climax of the 100-year struggle for independence.The first of these, the Azad Hind movement led by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, saw its inception early in the war and sought help from the Axis Powers. The second saw its inception in August 1942 led by Gandhi and began following failure of the Cripps' mission to reach a consensus with the Indian political leadership over the transfer of power after the war.The Indian National ArmyThe arbitrary entry of India into the war was strongly opposed by Subhash Chandra Bose, who had been elected President of the Congress twice, in 1937 and 1939. After lobbying against participation in the war, he resigned from Congress in 1939 and started a new party, the All India Forward Bloc. When war broke out, the Raj had put him under house arrest in Calcutta in 1940. However, at the time the war was at its bloodiest in Europe and Asia, he escaped and made his way through Afghanistan to Germany to seek Axis help to raise an army to fight the shackles of the Raj. Here, he raised with Rommel's Indian POWs what came to be known as the Free India Legion. This came to be the conceptualisation in embryonic form of Bose's dream of raising a liberation Army to fight the Raj. However, the turn of tides in the Battlefields of Europe saw Bose make his way ultimately to Japanese South Asia where he formed what came to be known as the Azad Hind Government as the Provisional Free Indian Government in exile, and organized the Indian National Army with Indian POWs and Indian expatriates at South-East Asia, with the help of the Japanese. Its aim was to reach India as a fighting force that would build on public resentment to inspire revolts among Indian soldiers to defeat the Raj.The INA was to see action against the allies, including the British Indian Army, in the forests of in Arakan, Burma and Assam, laying siege on Imphal and Kohima with the Japanese 15th Army. During the war, the Andaman and Nicobar islands were captured by the Japanese and handed over by them to the INA; Bose renamed them Shahid (Martyr) and Swaraj (Independence).The INA would ultimately fail, owing to disrupted logistics, poor arms and supplies from the Japanese, and lack of support and training.[1] The supposed death of Bose is seen as culmination of the entire Azad Hind Movement. Following the surrender of Japan, the troops of the INA were brought to India and a number of them charged with treason. However, Bose's audacious actions and radical initiative had by this time captured the public imagination and also turned the inclination of the native soldiers of the British Indian Forces from one of loyalty to the crown to support for the soldiers that the Raj deemed as collaborators.After the war, the stories of the Azad Hind movement and its army that came into public limelight during the trials of soldiers of the INA in 1945 were seen as so inflammatory that, fearing mass revolts and uprisings — not just in India, but across its empire — the British Government forbade the BBC from broadcasting their story. Newspapers reported the summary execution of INA soldiers held at Red Fort. and after the trial, mutinies broke out in the British Indian Armed forces, most notably in the Royal Indian Navy which found public support throughout India, from Karachi to Bombay and from Vizag to Calcutta.Many historians have argued that it was the INA and the mutinies it inspired among the British Indian Armed forces that were the true driving force for India's independence.Quit IndiaThe Quit India Movement (Bharat Chhodo Andolan) or the August Movement was a civil disobedience movement in India launched in August 1942 in response to Gandhi's call for immediate independence of India and against sending Indians to the World War II.At the outbreak of war, the Congress Party had during the Wardha meeting of the working-committee in September 1939, passed a resolution conditionally supporting the fight against fascism,[36] but were rebuffed when they asked for independence in return. In March 1942, faced with an increasingly dissatisfied sub-continent only reluctantly participating in the war, and deteriorations in the war situation in Europe and South East Asia, and with growing dissatisfactions among Indian troops- especially in Europe- and among the civilian population in the sub-continent, the British government sent a delegation to India under Stafford Cripps, in what came to be known as the Cripps' Mission. The purpose of the mission was to negotiate with the Indian National Congress a deal to obtain total co-operation during the war, in return of progressive devolution and distribution of power from the crown and the Viceroy to elected Indian legislature. However, the talks failed, having failed to address the key demand of a timeframe towards self-government, and of definition of the powers to be relinquished, essentially portraying an offer of limited dominion-status that was wholly unacceptable to the Indian movement.[37] To force the Raj to meet its demands and to obtain definitive word on total independence, the Congress took the decision to launch the Quit India Movement.The aim of the movement was to bring the British Government to the negotiating table by holding the Allied War Effort hostage. The call for determined but passive resistance that signified the certitude that Gandhi foresaw for the movement is best described by his call to Do or Die, issued on 8 August at the Gowalia Tank Maidan in Bombay, since re-named August Kranti Maidan (August Revolution Ground). However, almost the entire Congress leadership, and not merely at the national level, was put into confinement less than twenty-four hours after Gandhi's speech, and the greater number of the Congress khiland were to spend the rest of the war in jail.On August 8, 1942, the Quit India resolution was passed at the Bombay session of the All India Congress Committee (AICC). The draft proposed that if the British did not accede to the demands, a massive Civil Disobedience would be launched. However, it was an extremely controversial decision. At Gowalia Tank, Mumbai, Gandhi urged Indians to follow a non-violent civil disobedience. Gandhi told the masses to act as an independent nation and not to follow the orders of the British. The British, already alarmed by the advance of the Japanese army to the India–Burma border, responded the next day by imprisoning Gandhi at the Aga Khan Palace in Pune. The Congress Party's Working Committee, or national leadership was arrested all together and imprisoned at the Ahmednagar Fort. They also banned the party altogether. Large-scale protests and demonstrations were held all over the country. Workers remained absent en masse and strikes were called. The movement also saw widespread acts of sabotage, Indian under-ground organisation carried out bomb attacks on allied supply convoys, government buildings were set on fire, electricity lines were disconnected and transport and communication lines were severed. The Congress had lesser success in rallying other political forces, including the Muslim League under a single mast and movement. It did however, obtain passive support from a substantial Muslim population at the peak of the movement.The British swiftly responded by mass detentions. A total over 100,000 arrests were made nationwide, mass fines were levied, bombs were airdropped[citation needed] and demonstrators were subjected to public flogging.The movement soon became a leaderless act of defiance, with a number of acts that deviated from Gandhi's principle of non-violence. In large parts of the country, the local underground organisations took over the movement. However, by 1943, Quit India had petered out.RIN MutinyThe Royal Indian Navy Mutiny (the RIN Mutiny or the Bombay Mutiny) encompasses a total strike and subsequent mutiny by the Indian sailors of the Royal Indian Navy on board ship and shore establishments at Bombay (Mumbai) harbour on 18 February 1946. From the initial flashpoint in Bombay, the mutiny spread and found support through India, from Karachi to Calcutta and ultimately came to involve 78 ships, 20 shore establishments and 20,000 sailors.The RIN Mutiny started as a strike by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy on the 18th February in protest against general conditions. The immediate issues of the mutiny were conditions and food, but there were more fundamental matters such as racist behaviour by British officers of the Royal Navy personnel towards Indian sailors, and disciplinary measures being taken against anyone demonstrating pro-nationalist sympathies. The strike found immense support among the Indian population already in grips with the stories of the Indian National Army. The actions of the mutineers were supported by demonstrations which included a one-day general strike in Bombay. The strike spread to other cities, and was joined by the Air Force and local police forces. Naval officers and men began calling themselves the Indian National Navy and offered left handed salutes to British officers. At some places, NCOs in the British Indian Army ignored and defied orders from British superiors. In Madras and Pune, the British garrisons had to face revolts within the ranks of the British Indian Army. Widespread riotings took place from Karachi to Calcutta. Famously the ships hoisted three flags tied together — those of the Congress, Muslim League, and the Red Flag of the Communist Party of India (CPI), signifying the unity and demarginalisation of communal issues among the mutineers.Independence, 1947 to 1950On 3 June 1947, Viscount Louis Mountbatten, the last British Governor-General of India, announced the partitioning of the British Indian Empire into a secular India and a Muslim Pakistan. On 14 August 1947, Pakistan was declared a separate nation from them. At midnight, on 15 August 1947, India became an independent nation. Violent clashes between Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs followed. Prime Minister Nehru and Deputy Prime Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel invited Mountbatten to continue as Governor General of India. He was replaced in June 1948 by Chakravarti Rajagopalachari. Patel took on the responsibility of unifying 565 princely states, steering efforts by his “iron fist in a velvet glove” policies, exemplified by the use of military force to integrate Junagadh, Jammu and Kashmir, and Hyderabad state (Operation Polo) into India.The Constituent Assembly completed the work of drafting the constitution on 26 November 1949; on 26 January 1950 the Republic of India was officially proclaimed. The Constituent Assembly elected Dr. Rajendra Prasad as the first President of India, taking over from Governor General Rajgopalachari. Subsequently, a free and sovereign India absorbed two other territories: Goa (from Portuguese control in 1961) and Pondicherry (which the French ceded in 1953–1954). In 1952, India held its first general elections, with a voter turnout exceeding 62%; this made it the world’s largest democracy.sibpur, Haryana.
Saturday, April 5, 2008
While RACE has come close to superhit status and ONE TWO THREE too is finding it's share of audience, all eyes are now set on next Friday's twin releases of KRAZZY 4 and U ME AUR HUM. Though both the films belong to distinct genres, it is turning out to be an intense battle of sorts since KRAZZY 4 as well as U ME AUR HUM has a lot riding on them. Apart from the fact that each of the two has big names associated with it, is has also become a matter of prestige for both Rakesh Roshan and Ajay Devgan. Reason? None of the two budged from the release date and were willing to get on a clash path rather than change their release plans and hence the promotional campaign. With comedies doing well, especially over last few months, with hardly any film belonging to this genre failing at the box office, KRAZZY 4 is expected to open decently. On the other hand U ME AUR HUM does seem to have an edge since it brings with a different air to it, courtesy some of the best promos designed for a film in recent times. U ME AUR HUM looks like a handy mix of drama, love, romance, tears and light hearted moments which would make family audience, especially ladies, warm up to the film. Music too is certainly going to play a major part in the film taking a good opening since Vishal Bhardwaj's tunes have been performing consistently well at the charts ever since the music hit the stands. On the other hand KRAZZY 4 does have an Ace in the form of Hrithik's performance on the title song, something that should keep his fans interested in the film, especially since the promotional music video arrives towards the end credit rolls. However, with an overall classy treatment, which Ajay Devgan seems to have given to his directorial debut, it certainly is advantage U ME AUR HUM as of now
For all you mean minds who think Shahid Kapoor is still sulking and nursing a broken heart at home, think again! Here's what the latest heartthrob been doing these days. For starters, his recent neck injury (he sprained his neck while shooting a dance sequence for Ken Ghosh's film) has made him stay put at home, but his friend cum director Ken Ghosh is making sure that SK has his share of fun nights. So every night, Ken takes him along with him for parties and pun hopping "But now I'm regretting it. Whenever I take him out for parties, the girls just don't leave him alone and they attack him. I'm often left alone nursing my drinks at hand. I feel so left out man," laughs off Ken. This is what we call digging your own grave, what's say?
Arbaaz Khan, Salman’s younger brother started his career by playing a negative character in Darrar , a film which had Juhi Chawla and Rishi Kapoor in lead roles. The film was ripped off from Hollywood blockbuster ‘Sleeping with a stranger’. Since it was completely based on the Hollywood thriller, audiences didn’t appreciate it and the film ended up gaining a mediocre response at the box office. Arbaaz then did various roles of which only his weirdly funny role in ‘Pyaar Kiya To Darna Kya’ got noticed and liked. Unfortunately inspite of being Salman’s younger brother Arbaaz didn’t get the stardom and fame which his elder brother enjoyed right from his earlier films! To get Arbaaz’s career back on the track news of Salman approaching Boney Kapoor to the needful started doing the rounds. “Salman is a dear friend and we did speak about Arbaaz’s relaunch. However, as reported by the media, Salman never requested me to do something for his brother! In fact I’d say, Salman himself had few ideas about Arbaaz’s re-launch in his head going on and he just shared those ideas with me. I liked his views and we thought of taking it into consideration. I’ll produce a film with Arbaaz in it soon. The shoot for the same will start in May”, said Boney about the issue. The producer made it clear that was Salman who had taken all the pains to resurrect Arbaaz’s career. What can we say on this except for ‘bhai ho to aisa’ !
Friday, April 4, 2008
sand k
Flamboyance ranks high on his menu while skimpy skirts are her idea of rebellion, they speak Hinglish with hip accents and are obsessed with delivering picture-perfect coolness. Welcome to the world of catalogue film making. The makeover chronicles continue post-Dhoom and Dhoom: 2 with its writer Vijay Krishna Acharya donning the mantle of director for Yash Raj Films' much-hyped film, Tashan.Starring Anil Kapoor, Akshay Kumar, Saif Ali Khan and Kareena Kapoor in glossy avatars, the action film revolves around four nonconformist individuals on the wrong side of law.Whether Tashan is as sleek as the promos suggest only April 25 will tell. Meanwhile, here's a look at its soundtrack dished out by the inventive duo, Vishal-Shekhar (Om Shanti Om, Salaam Namaste, Dus).The album opens with dramatic fizz and tangible sizzle with Sukhwinder Singh's high-voltage rendition of potential chart-topper Dil haara, backed by a blend of electric guitar strumming, spirited accordion, effervescent percussion and a super-charged chorus. To enjoy this zingy track, penned imaginatively by Piyush Mishra, even better, turn the speakers at full blast. This time around Mishra wields the microphone in Sunidhi Chauhan's husky company to croon Chhaliya. The mood, momentum and masti heavily relies on/reflects the attitude of Dhoom machale. Despite all its attempts to seduce and serenade, Chhaliya lacks the Tashan factor to truly impress. Even so, the song's ultimate goal is to give Kareena an excuse to flaunt her size zero figure in itsy-bitsy Aki Narula-designed outfits. Eclectic sounds from East and West punctuate the fast-paced Dil Dance maare. Not just content with Hinglish, a dash of Bhojpuri is merged in as well to concoct flaky lyrics like: White white face dekhein, dil maa beating fast, sasura chance mere re. Unbelievable as it sounds, the full-on ditty actually grows on the listener, owing to the genuine camaraderie between its singers -- Udit Narayan, Sunidhi and Sukhwinder. The sporting troika plays along with the silliness and urges you to get on board. And so, why not? The opening is loosely reminiscent of t.A.T.u.'s Not gonna get us. The electronic fervor, however, fades soon enough to develop into Tashan's lone mushy ballad, Falak tak. Against Vishal-Shekhar's starry-eyed notes and Kausar Munir's dreamy penmanship, Narayan and Mahalaxmi Iyer exchange sweet nothings to harmonious effect. Sweet.After scoring in winning tracks like Jame raho (Taare Zameen Par) and Break free (Krazzy 4), composer Vishal Dadlani gets back into the groove, with co-singer Saleem, to perform the classical cum rock cocktail, Tashan mein. Tashan's high-powered verve resonates the feisty essence and care-a-damn stance of its glamorous quartet. During the course of the soundtrack, Tashan's leading cast -- Anil, Akki, Bebo and Saif give us a sneak peek into the style quotient of their respective characters -- Bhaiyyaji, Bachchan Pande, Pooja and Jimmy in true Bollywood style with expected pomp and in-your face brand of hero/heroinegiri. Going with the screwball theme of Tashan, musical duo Vishal-Shekhar generate an album that is fashionably showy and meticulously over-the-top. Either you will hate its guts. Or love it for the same.
heroes and badshahs in final
Former South African all-rounder Lance Klusener's rollicking knock of 91 went in vain as Lahore Badshahs stormed into the final, scoring a seven-run win over Kolkata Tigers in the second semi-final of the ICL Twenty20 tournamentin Panchkula on Thursday.
The Inzamam-ul Haq-led Badshahs will meet Hyderabad Heroes in the first final, in Panchkula on Friday.
Hyderabad Heroes in final
Chasing a massive target of 183, Klusener, who was dropped by Mohammad Sami in the 48th over, kept his team in the reckoning until the end.
Needing 18 runs off the last over, he single-handedly almost took away the match from Badshahs, who are undefeated in the tournament.
Klusener's 57-ball knock was studded with 11 boundaries and three sixes.
With eight needed off the last ball, man-of-the-match Klusener tried to hoist one over the rope, but ended up being caught by Imran Nazir off the bowling of Azhar Mehmood.
Earlier, Badshahs lost opener Imran Farhat for a duck, but Nazir (42), Humayun Farhat (39) and Inzamam (33) played good knocks up the order to post 182 for seven in their allotted 20 overs.
However, it was a blitzkrieg from Naveed Latif (27 of 17 balls) and Azhar Mehmood (24 of 8 balls) that helped the Badshahs attain the challenging total.
Shahid Nazir was the pick of bowlers for Badshahs, finishing with figures of 4-0-2-12, while Klusener also took two wickets for Tigers.
Deep Dasgupta (22) and Rohan Gavaskar (23) made useful contributions for the Tigers.
Later, talking to reporters, Klusener said he was happy with his effort, but a win for his team would have made him happier.
Inzamam, who had tense moments while Klusener was batting, said he was thrilled in the end that they pulled it off.
"The result may be that Kolkata Tigers have lost this game, but I must congratulate them for the way they fought in this game," Inzamam said.
Brief scores:
Lahore Badshahs 182/7 in 20 overs (Imran Nazir 42, Humayun Farhat 39, Sagar 2/19) bt Kolkata Tigers 175 for 4 (Lance Klusener 91, Shahid Nazir 2/12).
The Inzamam-ul Haq-led Badshahs will meet Hyderabad Heroes in the first final, in Panchkula on Friday.
Hyderabad Heroes in final
Chasing a massive target of 183, Klusener, who was dropped by Mohammad Sami in the 48th over, kept his team in the reckoning until the end.
Needing 18 runs off the last over, he single-handedly almost took away the match from Badshahs, who are undefeated in the tournament.
Klusener's 57-ball knock was studded with 11 boundaries and three sixes.
With eight needed off the last ball, man-of-the-match Klusener tried to hoist one over the rope, but ended up being caught by Imran Nazir off the bowling of Azhar Mehmood.
Earlier, Badshahs lost opener Imran Farhat for a duck, but Nazir (42), Humayun Farhat (39) and Inzamam (33) played good knocks up the order to post 182 for seven in their allotted 20 overs.
However, it was a blitzkrieg from Naveed Latif (27 of 17 balls) and Azhar Mehmood (24 of 8 balls) that helped the Badshahs attain the challenging total.
Shahid Nazir was the pick of bowlers for Badshahs, finishing with figures of 4-0-2-12, while Klusener also took two wickets for Tigers.
Deep Dasgupta (22) and Rohan Gavaskar (23) made useful contributions for the Tigers.
Later, talking to reporters, Klusener said he was happy with his effort, but a win for his team would have made him happier.
Inzamam, who had tense moments while Klusener was batting, said he was thrilled in the end that they pulled it off.
"The result may be that Kolkata Tigers have lost this game, but I must congratulate them for the way they fought in this game," Inzamam said.
Brief scores:
Lahore Badshahs 182/7 in 20 overs (Imran Nazir 42, Humayun Farhat 39, Sagar 2/19) bt Kolkata Tigers 175 for 4 (Lance Klusener 91, Shahid Nazir 2/12).
Wednesday, April 2, 2008
here pheri team again
Any producer would give his left arm to sign a winning combination. And if the combination happens to be Akshay Kumar, Suniel Shetty and Paresh Rawal and director Priyadarshan, the HERA PHERI combo, its paancho ungliyaan ghee mein. And the Jains of Venus have achieved it!“We had signed Akshay and Priyadarshan some time back. Later, Paresh Rawal and Suniel Shetty were also cast for pivotal roles. Yes, it’s a comedy, but let me clarify, it’s not HERA PHERI. Or even remotely similar to it,” producer Ratan Jain enlightens me. The makers haven’t titled the film yet. The film will be shot in one schedule, from September to December.
saif and kareena
The latest bit of rumour that we heard on April Fool's Day is that Kareena Kapoor [Images] and Saif Ali Khan [Images] plan to wed after their film, Tashan, releases on April 25. And no, this is not a joke, insist all.
Kareena is quoted as having told Zee News [Get Quote] that she will get married 'very soon,' adding, 'So maybe, post the release of Tashan this month, you all can see us wedded.'
Incidentally, it was on the sets of Tashan that the two fell in love, and they have been inseparable ever since. To prove his prove Saif even got her name tattooed on his arm.
The actress also told Zee News that there was nothing wrong with getting married at the peak of her career, especially after the success of Jab We Met [Images].
'I didn't say I'd stop working after marriage,' she is quoted to have told Zee News. "Today, I've already reached the Rs 3.5 crore package, and I hope to work and earn more in the coming years.'
So will we hear wedding bells soon? Let's wait and watch
Kareena is quoted as having told Zee News [Get Quote] that she will get married 'very soon,' adding, 'So maybe, post the release of Tashan this month, you all can see us wedded.'
Incidentally, it was on the sets of Tashan that the two fell in love, and they have been inseparable ever since. To prove his prove Saif even got her name tattooed on his arm.
The actress also told Zee News that there was nothing wrong with getting married at the peak of her career, especially after the success of Jab We Met [Images].
'I didn't say I'd stop working after marriage,' she is quoted to have told Zee News. "Today, I've already reached the Rs 3.5 crore package, and I hope to work and earn more in the coming years.'
So will we hear wedding bells soon? Let's wait and watch
the heros of man united
Cristiano Ronaldo [Images] and Wayne Rooney [Images] gave Manchester United [Images] a clinical 2-0 win at AS Roma on Tuesday in the first leg of their Champions League quarter-final.
Portugal forward Ronaldo soared inside the area six minutes before the break to head home a Paul Scholes cross after Rooney had skipped away from Philippe Mexes.
Barcelona score over Schalke
Rooney then poked home the second goal himself in the 66th minute after a header from South Korean midfielder Ji-Sung Park sparked a goalmouth scramble.
"It's a very good performance," Ronaldo told ITV. "Everyone knows it's a tough game. Roma played very well, but we created a few chances. I think we deserved this win."
United manager Alex Ferguson added that the victory was far from comfortable, saying: "It's a very good team we played against of course. We had to defend really well at times."
Roma had nothing to show for some fluid football and have a massive task in next Wednesday's return at Old Trafford, where they lost 7-1 at the same stage of the competition last season.
"It is clear that when we conceded the second goal I wasn't happy but it was the only thing I wasn't happy with," Roma coach Luciano Spalletti told Sky Italia.
"In my opinion we have played the game we had to play. The first 20 minutes of the second half we deserved more."
SHAKY START
The English champions made a shaky start at the Stadio Olimpico and their Dutch goalkeeper Edwin van der Sar was lucky to get away with a risky early clearance.
Roma defender Christian Panucci then headed just over the bar from a corner in the 12th.
United tried to fashion a response but Brazilian midfielder Anderson hoofed their first effort well off target and Ronaldo drilled a long-distance freekick wide.
The hosts continued to look dangerous and Montengro striker Mirko Vucinic hit a powerful strike over the bar but it was Ronaldo who gave United the lead to stun the home fans.
Roma tried to respond and Vucinic squandered a superb chance to equalise with only Van der Sar to beat soon after the goal.
A determined Roma, who were without injured captain Francesco Totti [Images], made a bright start to the second half.
Fullback Max Tonetto come close with a powerful effort and almost surprised Van der Sar with a cross-come-shot, while Panucci blasted over from short range.
Van der Sar produced a superb reflex save from a Vucinic header in the 62nd and United looked to be struggling before Rooney claimed his fourth goal in five games against Roma.
Ronaldo hit the post with a shot from outside the area and midfielder Michael Carrick nearly made it 3-0 with another long-range strike.
Rooney then struck the ball wide from a good position and Ronaldo volleyed just over as the home side began to lose heart in the closing stages.
Portugal forward Ronaldo soared inside the area six minutes before the break to head home a Paul Scholes cross after Rooney had skipped away from Philippe Mexes.
Barcelona score over Schalke
Rooney then poked home the second goal himself in the 66th minute after a header from South Korean midfielder Ji-Sung Park sparked a goalmouth scramble.
"It's a very good performance," Ronaldo told ITV. "Everyone knows it's a tough game. Roma played very well, but we created a few chances. I think we deserved this win."
United manager Alex Ferguson added that the victory was far from comfortable, saying: "It's a very good team we played against of course. We had to defend really well at times."
Roma had nothing to show for some fluid football and have a massive task in next Wednesday's return at Old Trafford, where they lost 7-1 at the same stage of the competition last season.
"It is clear that when we conceded the second goal I wasn't happy but it was the only thing I wasn't happy with," Roma coach Luciano Spalletti told Sky Italia.
"In my opinion we have played the game we had to play. The first 20 minutes of the second half we deserved more."
SHAKY START
The English champions made a shaky start at the Stadio Olimpico and their Dutch goalkeeper Edwin van der Sar was lucky to get away with a risky early clearance.
Roma defender Christian Panucci then headed just over the bar from a corner in the 12th.
United tried to fashion a response but Brazilian midfielder Anderson hoofed their first effort well off target and Ronaldo drilled a long-distance freekick wide.
The hosts continued to look dangerous and Montengro striker Mirko Vucinic hit a powerful strike over the bar but it was Ronaldo who gave United the lead to stun the home fans.
Roma tried to respond and Vucinic squandered a superb chance to equalise with only Van der Sar to beat soon after the goal.
A determined Roma, who were without injured captain Francesco Totti [Images], made a bright start to the second half.
Fullback Max Tonetto come close with a powerful effort and almost surprised Van der Sar with a cross-come-shot, while Panucci blasted over from short range.
Van der Sar produced a superb reflex save from a Vucinic header in the 62nd and United looked to be struggling before Rooney claimed his fourth goal in five games against Roma.
Ronaldo hit the post with a shot from outside the area and midfielder Michael Carrick nearly made it 3-0 with another long-range strike.
Rooney then struck the ball wide from a good position and Ronaldo volleyed just over as the home side began to lose heart in the closing stages.
shoaib akhtar innocent guy
Former Pakistan captains Imran Khan [Images] and Javed Miandad slammed the country's cricket board on Tuesday for handing fast bowler Shoaib Akhtar [Images] a five-year ban on disciplinary grounds.
Shoaib ready to fight PCB ban in court
"It is totally unacceptable. This ban it literally ends his career. The board is destroying Pakistan cricket by banning players," Imran told the Express television channel.
Akhtar was banned for repeated disciplinary violations but said he was ready to take court action to fight it.
Imran also criticised the board for banning the players who had signed up to the rebel Indian Cricket League.
"These bans are weakening Pakistan cricket. A fine would have been fine for Shoaib. He has not committed a crime," he said.
"The board must keep in mind that we also need to win matches and keep our pride in international cricket."
Miandad said he was stunned by severity of the punishment.
"It came as a shock to me because the board has always had a reputation of being soft on disciplinary issues. And now this matter was not that serious that they try to end his career," he told Reuters.
Miandad added that if Shoaib challenged the ban in court, it would harm Pakistan cricket.
"We will become a joke. If they wanted to discipline him they should have done it much before now like this," he said.
Former batsman Zaheer Abbas said Aktar's ban would weaken the team.
"He had some two years of cricket left in him and we should have taken advantage of him while maintaining discipline," he said.
"I don't know what these people are trying to do. The cricketers are not schoolboys to be treated like this. Shoaib committed no big crime
Shoaib ready to fight PCB ban in court
"It is totally unacceptable. This ban it literally ends his career. The board is destroying Pakistan cricket by banning players," Imran told the Express television channel.
Akhtar was banned for repeated disciplinary violations but said he was ready to take court action to fight it.
Imran also criticised the board for banning the players who had signed up to the rebel Indian Cricket League.
"These bans are weakening Pakistan cricket. A fine would have been fine for Shoaib. He has not committed a crime," he said.
"The board must keep in mind that we also need to win matches and keep our pride in international cricket."
Miandad said he was stunned by severity of the punishment.
"It came as a shock to me because the board has always had a reputation of being soft on disciplinary issues. And now this matter was not that serious that they try to end his career," he told Reuters.
Miandad added that if Shoaib challenged the ban in court, it would harm Pakistan cricket.
"We will become a joke. If they wanted to discipline him they should have done it much before now like this," he said.
Former batsman Zaheer Abbas said Aktar's ban would weaken the team.
"He had some two years of cricket left in him and we should have taken advantage of him while maintaining discipline," he said.
"I don't know what these people are trying to do. The cricketers are not schoolboys to be treated like this. Shoaib committed no big crime
zaheerkhan
One thing that frustrates a sportsperson the most is sitting out of the game due to injury. India's pace spearhead Zaheer Khan [Images] has often been in that situation. The left-armer had to return from India's tour of Australia because of a heel injury after playing the first Test and since then is working hard on his recovery. His rehabilitation also included a five-week programme in South Africa at the Rosebank Centre for Sports Medicine in Johannesburg.
Zaheer believes his recovery is on track and very soon he'll be back playing at the top level, which could be the Indian Premier League next month, for the Bangalore Royal Challengers.
The 29-year-old, who says he was inspired by Dennis Lillee's book The Art of Fast Bowling in his formative years, spoke with Special Correspondent Harish Kotian on his rehabilitation programme and how frustrating it is to watch his team mates from the sidelines.
How frustrating is it to be on the sidelines and watch the team play while recovering from injury?
Any injury is frustrating, especially when you are doing well. When you have to sit out, whether it is because of injury or whether you are not performing, it is always frustrating for a sportsperson to be away from the game. Obviously, injuries play a crucial part and you cannot do anything about it. You have to be focussed, look to control the controllables and move on.
How big a setback was this injury, considering that you had made a successful comeback?
I am not looking at it that way. All I am focussed is on coming back to the team. When I play international games I want to be fully fit; in fact, more than fully fit! I am utilising my time that way. I went to the NCA [National Cricket Academy] and met up with Paul Close [new Indian physio] for treatment and feedback.
So far it has been very good, positive and I am very happy with my progress. But I still feel that I am still not ready for international cricket. Playing a Test match straightaway would be a tough task. That is what the doctors have also advised me. Since I am away from it, I might as well use my time and sort it out completely. I have been playing for almost a year with this niggle, and I don't want to go back to the old thing. I don't want any niggles, especially in the heel area. I also don't want any area to get affected because there is not enough strength in my leg. I am focussed on getting my strength back and working on overall fitness.
You said that you played with a niggle for around a year. Tell me, are fast bowlers ever completely 100 percent fit? Do they have to bowl with a niggle or two at all times because of the busy international calendar?
You cannot really tell whether they are really 100 percent fit or playing with a niggle; you cannot specify any situation. But there are a few niggles with which you can keep playing, and, obviously, fast bowling is hard work. In Test matches, especially, you bowl a lot of overs in a day and come back the next day and again have to bowl a lot of overs; like when you give the team a follow-on.
There is nothing specific like fast bowlers always have niggles or anything. It is a strenuous job and you have to be ready for it. You have to gauge exactly what niggles you can play with and how far you are supposed to push.
Can you tell us about the five-week rehabilitation programme you underwent in South Africa?
Those five weeks in Johannesburg were very constructive. I was undergoing treatment at the Rosebank Centre for Sports Medicine and the physio was Evans Speachley, who will also be with the Bangalore IPL team. I consulted Dr Mark Ferguson [orthopaedic surgeon, who had also treated Sachin Tendulkar's [Images] foot injury] and Dr Ferreira [foot specialist]. There is a treatment called platelet injections -- it is called blood-spinning as well -- and Dr Ferguson gave me that. Every week I got that injection in my heel, for about three weeks. I took a total of three injections, that is one injection every week.
I worked with physios and trainers there to get the strength and stability back in my foot. With this kind of injury it is important to get the strength back and make sure that you are not rushing into things. It is also important to get other areas stronger, because you don't want any other part of your body to be injured.
You have always advocated the need to groom young fast bowlers. How delighted are you to see that India has unearthed a new crop of talented fast bowlers in Ishant Sharma, R P Singh and S Sreesanth [Images]?
It is someting great to see, because, if you recall, a lot of fast bowlers were struggling with some injury or niggles before [the] Australia [tour]. We were not sure how the fast bowling would perform in Australia and there were a lot of doubts. But, as the tour went on, we got our answers. We definitely have a very good back-up of fast bowlers in India and it is a great thing to watch. It is great to see people raising their hands, taking responsibility and performing.
But does it put extra pressure on you to comeback as soon as possible, realising that so many fast bowlers are fighting for places in the Indian team?
I am just listening to my body. I will definitely, if I can, play some domestic games; if there are no domestic games going on then, maybe, some club games. But, so far, the progress has been good and I am really happy with that. It is all about getting to your full fitness and then getting back into the game and giving your best.
This is the second time that you are down with this heel injury. It happened in England [Images] last year and now again in Australia. What precaution will you be taking to avoid the injury recurring?
There is no precaution as such. I need to get the area strong. I have been given a programme to follow and which I am following. I have been asked to build it up slowly and not rush things. That is why I took the decision to play some domestic matches; I can gauge exactly where I am standing in terms of my fitness and my bowling.
Have you been recommended any change of action, or your follow through, or any change in your footwear to avoid the injury recurring?
There are no such changes as such as far as my footwear or bowling is concerned. It is just a common injury for an athlete. Many athletes around the world have this planta fascia problem. I was fortunate not to undergo any surgery and I very happy to know that.
When do you expect to come back into the Indian team? Is the third Test against South Africa a possibility, or will it be the Indian Premier League?
I don't want to sort of presume. Obviously, I am looking to play as soon as possible, but I have to listen to my body and see how my body is responding. I was in Chennai to spend some time with Paul Close during the first Test. I also did some bowling sessions there. It will all depend on how my body is responding and how I am bowling. If I am bowling more than 100 percent then why not play [the third Test]?
Right now I am just concentrating on my comeback. The only thing that can excite me now is running in and bowling at more than 100 percent and for long spells.
All the Indian fast bowlers went through some injury problem in the last few months. Do you believe the Indian team physio has to take the blame somewhere, or is it too much international cricket?
You cannot really point the finger at any particular incident or individual. Fast bowling is tough. You will get some kind of injury at some stage. Personally, I enjoy bowling more and playing a lot of matches and I have always been endorsing this.
If given an option between three net sessions and one match, I will always go for a match. I am really happy and I get better when I bowl more. One thing I have always said is that I love playing matches and the more I play it is good for my bowling and match-fitness. I am happy playing as many matches as possible.
How much help was it having Venkatesh Prasad as bowling coach?
If you look at it, since the whole support staff has been in place, it has been of big help. He has been very good with all the youngsters, putting in a lot of effort. There is a lot of healthy discussion going on, generally talking about cricket and fast bowling, about your experiences. I think sharing experiences is always helpful.
Whenever I get an opportunity I make sure I speak to bowlers who have performed at this level. It's been good to see Venkatesh Prasad working with the young bowlers, giving them their space and at the same time making them understand how to be at your best.
Whom did you look up to when you were growing up as a fast bowler?
I was definitely influenced a lot by Dennis Lillee. I was fortunate to work under him at the MRF Pace Academy. I used to read his book The Art of fast bowling and that really sort of inspired me when I started playing cricket in 1996.
I have been visiting the MRF Pace Academy quite a lot. It's been fun watching all the other bowlers, like Wasim Akram, Richard Hadlee or Glenn McGrath. I have been a big fan of Allan Donald; I liked to watch him charge in and also the way he jumped. It was a treat to watch Donald bowl at his peak.
How excited are you to be playing for the Bangalore team in the IPL?
Everyone is excited about the IPL because it is a new concept. We have to see how it goes. I am excited to play for Bangalore and excited that I would be bowling soon. So, all around, it's a good feeling. It's a new concept and we have to see how it goes. A lot of players are not playing for their own state teams.
How do you rate the composition of your Bangalore IPL team, the Royal Challengers?
We have a very good bowling attack. Praveen Kumar has been doing well in one-dayers and I am sure he will be very effective in the Twenty20 version too. Dale Steyn has been bowling superbly and in the high 140s. Nathan Bracken [Images] can swing the ball well and he is very good in one-day cricket. It is a very good bowling attack and it will be fun playing with players from different teams, different cultures. It will be fun gelling with them.
How exciting is the prospect of bowling to Indian team mates like Sachin Tendulkar or Sourav Ganguly [Images] in the IPL next month?
It will be exciting, but I will take it as another match and give my best. A game is a game and you have to give your best. You play to win always and do the best you can to get victory for the team.
Zaheer believes his recovery is on track and very soon he'll be back playing at the top level, which could be the Indian Premier League next month, for the Bangalore Royal Challengers.
The 29-year-old, who says he was inspired by Dennis Lillee's book The Art of Fast Bowling in his formative years, spoke with Special Correspondent Harish Kotian on his rehabilitation programme and how frustrating it is to watch his team mates from the sidelines.
How frustrating is it to be on the sidelines and watch the team play while recovering from injury?
Any injury is frustrating, especially when you are doing well. When you have to sit out, whether it is because of injury or whether you are not performing, it is always frustrating for a sportsperson to be away from the game. Obviously, injuries play a crucial part and you cannot do anything about it. You have to be focussed, look to control the controllables and move on.
How big a setback was this injury, considering that you had made a successful comeback?
I am not looking at it that way. All I am focussed is on coming back to the team. When I play international games I want to be fully fit; in fact, more than fully fit! I am utilising my time that way. I went to the NCA [National Cricket Academy] and met up with Paul Close [new Indian physio] for treatment and feedback.
So far it has been very good, positive and I am very happy with my progress. But I still feel that I am still not ready for international cricket. Playing a Test match straightaway would be a tough task. That is what the doctors have also advised me. Since I am away from it, I might as well use my time and sort it out completely. I have been playing for almost a year with this niggle, and I don't want to go back to the old thing. I don't want any niggles, especially in the heel area. I also don't want any area to get affected because there is not enough strength in my leg. I am focussed on getting my strength back and working on overall fitness.
You said that you played with a niggle for around a year. Tell me, are fast bowlers ever completely 100 percent fit? Do they have to bowl with a niggle or two at all times because of the busy international calendar?
You cannot really tell whether they are really 100 percent fit or playing with a niggle; you cannot specify any situation. But there are a few niggles with which you can keep playing, and, obviously, fast bowling is hard work. In Test matches, especially, you bowl a lot of overs in a day and come back the next day and again have to bowl a lot of overs; like when you give the team a follow-on.
There is nothing specific like fast bowlers always have niggles or anything. It is a strenuous job and you have to be ready for it. You have to gauge exactly what niggles you can play with and how far you are supposed to push.
Can you tell us about the five-week rehabilitation programme you underwent in South Africa?
Those five weeks in Johannesburg were very constructive. I was undergoing treatment at the Rosebank Centre for Sports Medicine and the physio was Evans Speachley, who will also be with the Bangalore IPL team. I consulted Dr Mark Ferguson [orthopaedic surgeon, who had also treated Sachin Tendulkar's [Images] foot injury] and Dr Ferreira [foot specialist]. There is a treatment called platelet injections -- it is called blood-spinning as well -- and Dr Ferguson gave me that. Every week I got that injection in my heel, for about three weeks. I took a total of three injections, that is one injection every week.
I worked with physios and trainers there to get the strength and stability back in my foot. With this kind of injury it is important to get the strength back and make sure that you are not rushing into things. It is also important to get other areas stronger, because you don't want any other part of your body to be injured.
You have always advocated the need to groom young fast bowlers. How delighted are you to see that India has unearthed a new crop of talented fast bowlers in Ishant Sharma, R P Singh and S Sreesanth [Images]?
It is someting great to see, because, if you recall, a lot of fast bowlers were struggling with some injury or niggles before [the] Australia [tour]. We were not sure how the fast bowling would perform in Australia and there were a lot of doubts. But, as the tour went on, we got our answers. We definitely have a very good back-up of fast bowlers in India and it is a great thing to watch. It is great to see people raising their hands, taking responsibility and performing.
But does it put extra pressure on you to comeback as soon as possible, realising that so many fast bowlers are fighting for places in the Indian team?
I am just listening to my body. I will definitely, if I can, play some domestic games; if there are no domestic games going on then, maybe, some club games. But, so far, the progress has been good and I am really happy with that. It is all about getting to your full fitness and then getting back into the game and giving your best.
This is the second time that you are down with this heel injury. It happened in England [Images] last year and now again in Australia. What precaution will you be taking to avoid the injury recurring?
There is no precaution as such. I need to get the area strong. I have been given a programme to follow and which I am following. I have been asked to build it up slowly and not rush things. That is why I took the decision to play some domestic matches; I can gauge exactly where I am standing in terms of my fitness and my bowling.
Have you been recommended any change of action, or your follow through, or any change in your footwear to avoid the injury recurring?
There are no such changes as such as far as my footwear or bowling is concerned. It is just a common injury for an athlete. Many athletes around the world have this planta fascia problem. I was fortunate not to undergo any surgery and I very happy to know that.
When do you expect to come back into the Indian team? Is the third Test against South Africa a possibility, or will it be the Indian Premier League?
I don't want to sort of presume. Obviously, I am looking to play as soon as possible, but I have to listen to my body and see how my body is responding. I was in Chennai to spend some time with Paul Close during the first Test. I also did some bowling sessions there. It will all depend on how my body is responding and how I am bowling. If I am bowling more than 100 percent then why not play [the third Test]?
Right now I am just concentrating on my comeback. The only thing that can excite me now is running in and bowling at more than 100 percent and for long spells.
All the Indian fast bowlers went through some injury problem in the last few months. Do you believe the Indian team physio has to take the blame somewhere, or is it too much international cricket?
You cannot really point the finger at any particular incident or individual. Fast bowling is tough. You will get some kind of injury at some stage. Personally, I enjoy bowling more and playing a lot of matches and I have always been endorsing this.
If given an option between three net sessions and one match, I will always go for a match. I am really happy and I get better when I bowl more. One thing I have always said is that I love playing matches and the more I play it is good for my bowling and match-fitness. I am happy playing as many matches as possible.
How much help was it having Venkatesh Prasad as bowling coach?
If you look at it, since the whole support staff has been in place, it has been of big help. He has been very good with all the youngsters, putting in a lot of effort. There is a lot of healthy discussion going on, generally talking about cricket and fast bowling, about your experiences. I think sharing experiences is always helpful.
Whenever I get an opportunity I make sure I speak to bowlers who have performed at this level. It's been good to see Venkatesh Prasad working with the young bowlers, giving them their space and at the same time making them understand how to be at your best.
Whom did you look up to when you were growing up as a fast bowler?
I was definitely influenced a lot by Dennis Lillee. I was fortunate to work under him at the MRF Pace Academy. I used to read his book The Art of fast bowling and that really sort of inspired me when I started playing cricket in 1996.
I have been visiting the MRF Pace Academy quite a lot. It's been fun watching all the other bowlers, like Wasim Akram, Richard Hadlee or Glenn McGrath. I have been a big fan of Allan Donald; I liked to watch him charge in and also the way he jumped. It was a treat to watch Donald bowl at his peak.
How excited are you to be playing for the Bangalore team in the IPL?
Everyone is excited about the IPL because it is a new concept. We have to see how it goes. I am excited to play for Bangalore and excited that I would be bowling soon. So, all around, it's a good feeling. It's a new concept and we have to see how it goes. A lot of players are not playing for their own state teams.
How do you rate the composition of your Bangalore IPL team, the Royal Challengers?
We have a very good bowling attack. Praveen Kumar has been doing well in one-dayers and I am sure he will be very effective in the Twenty20 version too. Dale Steyn has been bowling superbly and in the high 140s. Nathan Bracken [Images] can swing the ball well and he is very good in one-day cricket. It is a very good bowling attack and it will be fun playing with players from different teams, different cultures. It will be fun gelling with them.
How exciting is the prospect of bowling to Indian team mates like Sachin Tendulkar or Sourav Ganguly [Images] in the IPL next month?
It will be exciting, but I will take it as another match and give my best. A game is a game and you have to give your best. You play to win always and do the best you can to get victory for the team.
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